Why Christianity Is True

Christianity claims that God revealed himself in Jesus Christ, crucified and risen. Its case rests on a historical convergence: a real Jesus, the crucifixion, the empty tomb, the appearances, early divinity and biblical transmission.

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To say that Christianity is true does not mean that Christians are better than other men, nor that every historical or moral difficulty is immediately simple. It means one precise thing: the Creator God truly revealed himself in the history of Israel, then definitively in Jesus Christ, crucified and risen.

The question is therefore not settled by cultural preference. It is treated as a cumulative inquiry: does God exist? Did Jesus really exist? Was he crucified? Did the first disciples proclaim his resurrection very early on? Does this proclamation explain the facts better than naturalistic hypotheses? And if Jesus is risen, what must be concluded about his divine claims?

Christianity presents itself as a fact before being a morality

Christianity is not first and foremost an ethical system comparable to Stoicism, nor one path of wisdom among others. Its heart is a dated event: Jesus of Nazareth, a Galilean Jew, crucified at Jerusalem under Pontius Pilate around 30–33, confessed as risen by his disciples. Saint Paul already sums up this faith in a formula received, not invented by him: Christ died, he was buried, he was raised on the third day, then he appeared to Peter, to the Twelve, to more than five hundred brethren, to James and to Paul.[1]

This structure makes Christianity verifiable in a unique way. If the tomb is not empty, if the appearances are only a late legend, if Jesus never existed, the Christian faith collapses. Paul acknowledges this without evasion: "if Christ has not been raised, your faith is futile" (1 Cor 15:17). A religion that accepts being refuted by a historical fact already enters the domain of reason.

Jesus of Nazareth belongs firmly to history

The first step is minimal: did Jesus exist? On this point, inquiries converge instead of contradicting one another. J. P. Meier proposes a deliberately austere method: retain only what a panel of Catholic, Protestant, Jewish and agnostic historians could establish in common (A Marginal Jew, vol. 1, 1991)[2]. G. Habermas, sifting the scholarly literature published since 1975, notes that the death of Jesus by crucifixion and the appearances experienced by the disciples and by Paul are admitted by virtually all specialists, sceptics included, while the empty tomb is admitted by about 75% of them[3]. The Gospels are not the only sources. Flavius Josephus mentions James, "the brother of Jesus called Christ" (Jewish Antiquities, XX, 200, a passage held to be authentic); his longer passage on Jesus himself (Jewish Antiquities, XVIII, 63–64, the so-called Testimonium flavianum), of partly disputed authenticity, is presented with its critical status in Did Jesus Really Exist?; Tacitus reports that Christ was executed under Pontius Pilate during the reign of Tiberius; Pliny the Younger describes Christians singing to Christ as to a god in the early second century.[4][5]

These sources are precious because they do not come from within the Christian faith. Josephus is a Romanized Jewish historian; Tacitus is a Roman senator hostile to Christians; Pliny writes as a governor concerned with public order. They do not prove the divinity of Jesus, but they close the door to the mythicist thesis: Jesus is not a symbol fabricated late.

The internal dossier is even older. Paul's letters date from the 50s, about twenty years after the death of Jesus. The P52 fragment of the Gospel of John (P. Rylands III 457, kept at the John Rylands Library in Manchester: a few verses of John 18) shows that the Johannine text was already circulating very early, far from its probable place of composition. Its palaeographical dating remains debated: first half of the second century according to the editio princeps of C. H. Roberts — a dating maintained by the custodial library —, second century for the INTF (the Münster institute that catalogues the Greek manuscripts of the New Testament), 125–175 proposed by P. Orsini and W. Clarysse, while B. Nongbri has shown the fragility of a narrow dating.[6][7] For an ancient figure, this documentary interval remains exceptionally short, though no firm date can be asserted.

The resurrection explains the facts better than its alternatives

The central argument is not: "Christians believe that Jesus is risen." It is more precise: several facts, admitted far beyond the circle of believers, demand an explanation — this is the so-called "minimal facts" method of Habermas and Licona, and the "historical bedrock" of N. T. Wright, for whom the empty tomb and the appearances are the data that every hypothesis must explain[8][9]. Jesus was truly crucified — a fact held to be certain even by avowed sceptics such as G. Lüdemann, B. Ehrman and J. D. Crossan[10]; his disciples very early proclaimed that they had seen him alive; Paul, a persecutor, was converted; James, a sceptical relative of Jesus, became head of the Church of Jerusalem; Christianity was born in Jerusalem, in the very place where the body could have been produced had the tomb still been occupied.

The theft of the body — already reported as the counter-explanation spread by the authorities in Matthew 28:13–15, and taken up, according to certain late recensions of the medieval polemical narrative Toledot Yeshu, in the episode where a gardener, Yehudah, moves the body to rebury it in his garden (the so-called Wagenseil group)[11] — presupposes duped guards and an accessible tomb; but it explains neither the conversion of Paul, a persecutor with no connection to the tomb, nor that of James, nor a proclamation launched in Jerusalem itself, where exhibiting a body would have closed the matter.

Hallucination — defended notably by G. Lüdemann, who sees in it visionary experiences of Peter and then of Paul[12] — takes the appearance narratives seriously; but individual, unshareable bereavement visions poorly explain collective appearances and the conversion of a hostile persecutor — and above all not the empty tomb, which visions do not empty.

The late legend — in the line of D. F. Strauss, who read the Gospel narratives as myths (Das Leben Jesu, 1835–1836) — runs up against chronology: the creed of 1 Corinthians 15:3–8 is dated to within a few years of the events even by a sceptic such as G. Lüdemann[13]. Too early for a legend.

Apparent death — popularized by H. J. Schonfield (The Passover Plot, 1965) — presupposes survival of Roman crucifixion, of the lance thrust and of the sealed tomb, then a convalescent passing himself off as gloriously risen: neither medicine nor disciples ready for martyrdom follow. Strauss himself, though critical of the miraculous in the Gospels, already judged this hypothesis incapable of explaining the disciples' Easter faith[14].

Two honest difficulties deserve better than silence. The divergences between the Easter narratives — order of visits, number of angels, places of the appearances — concern secondary details, with a stable common core: the tomb found empty in the morning by women, then appearances in Jerusalem and in Galilee. Testimonies agreeing on everything would arouse suspicion of collusion; independent accounts diverge at the edges and converge at the centre. As for the silence of contemporaries, it reflects the state of the sources on Judea in the 30s: few preserved writings, no court historian attached to a Galilean preacher executed as a criminal. The two external witnesses that remain — Josephus and Tacitus — confirm the framework: execution under Pilate, a movement persisting after the death of its founder.[15][16]

The first Christians confessed the divinity of Jesus very early

A frequent objection claims that Jesus became God at the Council of Nicaea, in 325. Historically, this is untenable. Nicaea dogmatically formulates a faith already present in the first-century texts. Paul applies divine titles and functions to Jesus: "Lord" (Kyrios), object of worship — and the Letter to the Colossians, whose direct attribution to Paul is disputed by part of scholarship, presents him as mediator of creation, the one in whom dwells "all the fullness of deity" (Col 1:16; 2:9).[17][18]

The hymn of Philippians 2:6–11 is decisive: Paul probably takes up there a liturgical tradition older than his letter. Jesus is presented in it as being in divine condition, abasing himself even to the cross, then receiving the Name before which every knee shall bow. Yet this language takes up Isaiah 45, where universal worship belongs to God alone.

This high Christology — that is, the affirmation that Jesus shares the divine identity itself, and not merely an exceptional mission — is difficult to explain by a slow evolution. The first disciples were strict monotheistic Jews. They had no natural cultural disposition to include a crucified man in the divine identity of YHWH, unless a shattering event had compelled them to do so. That is exactly the explanatory role of the resurrection.

The Bible transmits the dossier with exceptional solidity

The Christian faith also depends on the reliability of its texts. Yet the New Testament is, materially, the best-attested body of ancient texts: thousands of Greek manuscripts, Latin, Syriac and Coptic versions, patristic quotations. Variants exist, as in every hand-transmitted text, but they do not destroy the central message: death, resurrection, divine identity of Jesus, birth of the Church.[19]

Two questions must be distinguished. Textual criticism — the science that compares manuscripts to recover the ancient text — asks: do we have access to the ancient text with sufficient fidelity? The answer is yes, at a level far superior to most ancient works. The theological question then asks: is this text inspired? That is a conclusion of faith, but it rests on a robust historical transmission, not on an obscure chain.

Why stop at mere theism?

The philosophical and scientific arguments for God — contingency, the beginning of the universe, fine-tuning, the moral law, consciousness — establish at best an intelligent and transcendent Creator. They are not yet enough to name Jesus Christ. But they change the framework of the inquiry: if God exists, miracle is no longer impossible in principle; it becomes a question of evidence.

Christianity then affirms something more precise than theism: the Creator has spoken, has entered into a covenant, and has made himself visible in Christ. The resurrection becomes the public seal of this revelation. It moves from "there probably exists a God" to "God has acted here."

Why Christianity rather than another religion?

Not all religions make the same type of claim. Buddhism proposes a path of liberation from suffering — the Four Noble Truths and the Noble Eightfold Path transmitted by the Buddha, who presents himself neither as God nor as risen: its strength is practical, verifiable through inner experience. Islam affirms a revelation received by Muhammad in the seventh century: God is one (tawhid), and Jesus (ʿĪsā), born of a virgin, is a prophet — not crucified ("it only appeared so to them", Qur'an 4:157) and not Son of God (Qur'an 19:30–35). Judaism, in its rabbinic reading, awaits a visible messianic fulfilment — universal peace, ingathering, the Temple — to which a crucified man does not correspond, since the Law says "cursed is everyone who hangs on a tree" (Dt 21:23). Christianity, for its part, rests on a public event: the Messiah has come, he was crucified, he is risen.

This difference does not dispense with examining the other religions — and everything they carry of partial wisdom remains receivable. It only fixes the decisive point, and it is a question of fact, not of preference. With Islam, the divergence concerns a public and decidable event: the crucifixion under Pilate, attested by Tacitus and Josephus, and implausible as an invention for Jews who saw in it a curse — a text Paul turns around in Galatians 3:13. With Judaism, the debate concerns the reading of the same Scriptures: the first Christians, strict monotheistic Jews, included Jesus in the divine identity only by appealing to an event that, in their eyes, validated the passages of the Suffering Servant (Is 53) and of the righteous one raised up (Ps 22; Ps 16). With Buddhism, there is no frontal contradiction on a fact, but an additional claim: a path of wisdom, however admirable, says nothing of an empty tomb one Easter morning. If Jesus is truly risen and if he truly claimed divine authority, then no position reducing him to a mere prophet, sage or moral master can be fully true on this decisive point. Christ leaves that option closed.

Conclusion

Christianity is rationally credible because several independent lines converge: God is not an absurd hypothesis; Jesus of Nazareth is historically attested; his crucifixion is admitted even by sceptics[20]; the proclamation of his resurrection is very ancient; the competing hypotheses poorly explain the whole; the divinity of Jesus has been confessed from the origins; the texts transmitting this dossier are exceptionally solid.

The Christian conclusion is therefore not: "believe without looking." It is rather: look to the end. If Jesus is risen, then he is not merely one spiritual master among others. He is the Lord, and Christianity is the true answer to the question of God.

Further reading

Notes and References

  1. Saint Paul, First Letter to the Corinthians, 15:3–8; see N. T. Wright, The Resurrection of the Son of God, SPCK, 2003, pp. 319–398 — chapters on Corinth (key passages of 1 Cor) then "When Paul Saw Jesus" (pp. 375–398, with 1 Cor 15:8–11 p. 382 and conclusion p. 398) — on the antiquity and historical significance of this received tradition.

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  2. John P. Meier, A Marginal Jew: Rethinking the Historical Jesus, vol. 1, Doubleday, 1991, pp. 1–40 for the method (the critical panel) and pp. 41–166 for the sources.

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  3. Gary R. Habermas & Michael R. Licona, The Case for the Resurrection of Jesus, Kregel, 2004, pp. 69–70: method of the minimal facts admitted by the great majority of specialists, sceptics included; the empty tomb, admitted by about 75% of the specialists surveyed since 1975, does not appear there because it is not admitted by almost all. See G. Habermas, "Resurrection Research from 1975 to the Present".

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  4. Flavius Josephus, Jewish Antiquities, XX, 200: passage on James, "the brother of Jesus called Christ", generally held to be authentic by historical scholarship. See John P. Meier, A Marginal Jew, vol. 1, Doubleday, 1991, pp. 57–58, on the historical weight of this mention. The Testimonium flavianum (XVIII, 63–64) is of partly disputed authenticity — interpolation admitted by a large part of scholarship, which retains an authentic core Christianized by retouching: see J. P. Meier, ibid., pp. 56–88.

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  5. Tacitus, Annals, XV, 44; Pliny the Younger, Letters, X, 96. On these non-Christian sources, see Matthieu Lavagna, Soyez rationnel, devenez catholique !, MDN Productions, 2023, pp. 146–148 (Tacitus and Pliny: p. 147, passage checked against the local copy).

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  6. P52 = P. Rylands III 457 (John 18), John Rylands Library, Manchester: first half of the second century according to the editio princeps of C. H. Roberts, a dating maintained by the custodial library; second century for the INTF — the Institut für Neutestamentliche Textforschung in Münster, which catalogues the Greek manuscripts of the New Testament (Liste, GA P52); 125–175 proposed by P. Orsini and W. Clarysse; B. Nongbri, "The Use and Abuse of P52", Harvard Theological Review 98/1, 2005, shows that a narrow palaeographical dating is fragile. Online notices: CSNTM (GA_P52); University of Manchester Library (possible first half of the second century).

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  7. Bruce M. Metzger & Bart D. Ehrman, The Text of the New Testament, Oxford University Press, 4th ed., 2005, chapter on the papyrus manuscripts, on the Rylands papyrus P52 and the manuscript tradition of the New Testament.

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  8. N. T. Wright, The Resurrection of the Son of God, SPCK, 2003, 817 pp., concluding chapter: the empty tomb and the appearances as historical data that every hypothesis must explain, pp. 717–718.

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  9. G. Lüdemann, The Resurrection of Jesus, Fortress, 1994, p. 50: "Jesus' death as a consequence of crucifixion is indisputable"; B. Ehrman, Did Jesus Exist?, HarperOne, 2012, ch. 8, and How Jesus Became God, HarperOne, 2014, ch. 4–5: Ehrman rejects the Christian conclusion but holds the crucifixion to be historically certain; J. D. Crossan, Jesus: A Revolutionary Biography, HarperCollins, 1994, p. 145: "That he was crucified is as sure as anything historical can ever be."

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  10. The Toledot Yeshu ("Life of Jesus") is a composite Jewish polemical narrative, transmitted in strongly divergent medieval versions, grouped into three main recensions (known as Pilate, Helena and Herod); the critical reference edition and translation: M. Meerson & P. Schäfer (eds.), Toledot Yeshu: The Life Story of Jesus, 2 vols., Mohr Siebeck, 2014. The episode of the gardener Yehudah, who moves the body to rebury it in his garden, belongs only to certain late versions: the so-called Wagenseil group, including the Strasbourg manuscript (BnU 3974) — cf. the Meerson-Schäfer translation (vol. I), the review by D. Barbu & Y. Deutsch (eds.), Toledot Yeshu in Context, Mohr Siebeck, 2020 (online: Judaica), and W. Horbury, "The Strasbourg Text of the Toledot", in P. Schäfer, M. Meerson & Y. Deutsch (eds.), Toledot Yeshu Revisited, Mohr Siebeck, 2011, pp. 49–60.

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  11. G. Lüdemann, The Resurrection of Jesus: History, Experience, Theology, Fortress, 1994: the origin of Easter faith is sought in the visionary experiences of Peter and then of Paul.

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  12. G. Lüdemann, The Resurrection of Jesus, Fortress, 1994, pp. 171–172: "The tradition reported in 1 Cor 15:3–8 dates from between the years 30 and 33"; see also M. Lavagna, Soyez rationnel, devenez catholique !, MDN Productions, 2023, p. 213, which gives the same very early dating.

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  13. D. F. Strauss, Das Leben Jesu, kritisch bearbeitet, 1835–1836: Strauss, though critical of the miraculous in the Gospels, judges the rationalist survival hypothesis (apparent death) incapable of explaining the disciples' Easter faith.

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  14. Larry W. Hurtado, Lord Jesus Christ: Devotion to Jesus in Earliest Christianity, William B. Eerdmans, Grand Rapids, 2003, xxii + 746 pp., ISBN 978-0-8028-3167-5, on the worship given to Jesus from the first Christian decades: invocation, hymns, confession, prayer.

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  15. Richard Bauckham, Jesus and the God of Israel: God Crucified and Other Studies on the New Testament's Christology of Divine Identity, William B. Eerdmans, Grand Rapids, 2008, xii + 285 pp., ISBN 978-0-8028-4559-7, notably pp. 1–59 on the inclusion of Jesus in the unique divine identity of Second Temple Judaism — i.e. the Judaism of the period of the Second Temple of Jerusalem (about 515 BC to AD 70).

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  16. Bruce M. Metzger & Bart D. Ehrman, The Text of the New Testament, Oxford University Press, 4th ed., 2005; see also the Ignispedia article on the Bible for details of the manuscripts, canons and ancient versions.

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