Islam is a monotheistic religion born in Arabia in the 7th century, centred on the preaching of Muhammad ibn Abd Allah (c. 570-632), held by Muslims to be the last prophet sent by God. Its central text is the Quran, to which is added the Sunna, that is, the body of sayings and deeds attributed to Muhammad in the hadith collections and early biographies.
From the Catholic point of view, Islam must be approached with two inseparable demands: charity towards Muslim persons and truth about doctrines. The Second Vatican Council affirms that the Church regards Muslims with esteem because they worship the one God, living and subsistent, creator of heaven and earth, merciful and almighty; but this esteem does not mean that Islam is recognised as divine revelation, nor that Muhammad is recognised as a prophet in the biblical sense of the term.[1]
The central divergence concerns Jesus Christ. The Quran recognises Jesus as Messiah, born of the Virgin Mary and a worker of miracles; Muslim tradition further attributes to him a return at the end of time, a dossier that is chiefly hadithic, resting on a debated reading of two Quranic verses (4:159 and 43:61)[2]; but it denies precisely what constitutes the heart of the Christian faith: Jesus is not merely a prophet, he is the eternal Son of God made man, who died on the Cross and rose again for the salvation of the world. In denying the divine filiation, the crucifixion and the redemptive Resurrection, Islam touches not a secondary detail, but the core of the Christian Creed.[3]
This article presents Islam from a Catholic encyclopaedic angle: what the Church positively recognises in Muslims, what the Muslim sources say about themselves, the points of doctrinal rupture, the question of Muhammad as prophet, the transmission and internal coherence of the Quran, the objection of the "falsified Bible", the classical apologetic criticisms of Muhammad's life and of the divine status of the Quran, and the Catholic response explaining why the Church cannot recognise Islam as the fulfilment of biblical Revelation.
The approach is apologetic but respectful: to present the best Muslim arguments fairly before answering them, to distinguish the Quran and the Sunna from contemporary political deviations, and to give the reader arguments that can be put to a sincere Muslim — that is, arguments which do not already assume the truth of Christianity in order to work.[4]
What the Catholic Church recognises in Muslims
The esteem of Vatican II
The reference text is Nostra Aetate, the Second Vatican Council's declaration on the relation of the Church to non-Christian religions, promulgated on 28 October 1965. In § 3, the Church affirms that she regards Muslims with esteem because they worship the one God, claim Abraham as their father, venerate Jesus as a prophet, honour Mary, await God's judgment, and practise prayer, almsgiving and fasting.[5]
« L'Église regarde aussi avec estime les musulmans, qui adorent le Dieu unique, vivant et subsistant, miséricordieux et tout-puissant, créateur du ciel et de la terre, qui a parlé aux hommes. Ils cherchent à se soumettre de toute leur âme aux décrets de Dieu, même s'ils sont cachés, comme s'est soumis à Dieu Abraham, auquel la foi islamique se réfère volontiers. Bien qu'ils ne reconnaissent pas Jésus comme Dieu, ils le vénèrent comme prophète ; ils honorent sa Mère virginale, Marie, et parfois même l'invoquent avec piété. » — Concile Vatican II, déclaration Nostra Aetate, § 3, 28 octobre 1965[6]
This formula is decisive: it rules out two opposite errors. On the one hand, Christians cannot treat Muslims as enemies or as beings of lesser dignity. They are created in the image of God, called to salvation, capable of a sincere search for the Creator. On the other hand, conciliar esteem does not turn Islam into a revelation equivalent to Christianity. Vatican II does not say that the Quran comes from God, nor that Muhammad is a prophet, nor that the Islamic doctrine about Jesus is compatible with the Gospel. The distinction between esteem for persons and recognition of a religion as revelation is decisive here: to confuse the two is to betray the conciliar text in both directions, either by despising Muslims or by relativising Christ.
The Catechism and the plan of salvation
The Catechism of the Catholic Church follows the same line in § 841: the plan of salvation also embraces those who acknowledge the Creator, "in the first place Muslims", since they profess to hold the faith of Abraham and worship with us the one God, merciful, judge of men on the last day.[7]
« Les relations de l'Église avec les musulmans. "Le dessein de salut enveloppe également ceux qui reconnaissent le Créateur, en tout premier lieu les musulmans qui, en déclarant qu'ils gardent la foi d'Abraham, adorent avec nous le Dieu unique, miséricordieux, juge des hommes au dernier jour" (LG 16 ; cf. NA 3). » — Catéchisme de l'Église catholique, § 841[8]
The important word is "embraces": the Church affirms the universality of God's salvific will, not the doctrinal sufficiency of Islam as such. § 846 of the same Catechism recalls that all salvation comes from Christ the Head through the Church which is his Body. There can therefore be among Muslims seeds of truth and sincere religious dispositions, while it remains true that the fullness of Revelation is in Jesus Christ.[9]
This Catholic position has been constantly reaffirmed. Saint John Paul II, at Casablanca on 19 August 1985, before tens of thousands of young Muslims gathered at the Mohammed V stadium, during the visit made at the invitation of King Hassan II, declared: « Nous croyons au même Dieu, le Dieu unique, le Dieu vivant, le Dieu qui crée les mondes et porte ses créatures à leur perfection ».[10] The same address states the other side inseparably: « La loyauté exige aussi que nous reconnaissions et respections nos différences. La plus fondamentale est évidemment le regard que nous portons sur la personne et œuvre de Jésus de Nazareth », Christians recognising and proclaiming Jesus as « Seigneur et Sauveur » — a major doctrinal difference with Islam about Jesus.[11]
The real convergences
Christians can recognise several truths professed by Islam: God is creator, God judges men, earthly life is not the whole of existence, Mary is a virgin, Jesus was born miraculously, Jesus performed signs, and the world will be subjected to divine judgment. The Quran itself affirms that Jesus is the Messiah, "son of Mary", and that God sustained him with the Holy Spirit.[12]
One must also recognise virtues frequently visible among Muslims: a sense of prayer, modesty, fasting, family generosity, hospitality, respect for God, resistance to certain contemporary materialisms. This recognition is not tactical; it is just. A Catholic criticism of Islam that began by despising Muslims would already miss the Christian truth it claims to defend.
Muslim sources: Quran, Sunna, sîra and tafsîr
The Quran
The Quran is the central text of Islam. According to Muslim faith, it is not merely an inspired book, but the word of God revealed to Muhammad in Arabic by the angel Gabriel, progressively, from 610 to 632. The Quran consists of 114 surahs. The dominant Sunni tradition affirms that the text was officially fixed under the third caliph, Uthman ibn Affan (r. 644-656).
The classical Muslim account of this fixing is found in Sahih al-Bukhari: Uthman entrusts Zayd ibn Thabit and several Qurayshites with producing a standard copy from the sheets kept by Hafsa, then sends copies to the provinces and orders the other Quranic materials to be burnt.[13] This point matters: the unification of the Quran belongs to traditional Islamic history itself, not to a hostile hypothesis invented from outside.
The Sunna and the hadiths
The Sunna denotes Muhammad's model: his words, his deeds, his tacit approvals, as transmitted by the hadiths. Unless otherwise indicated, the hadith numbers cited in this article follow the numbering of the Darussalam edition, taken up by the reference site Sunnah.com (link given in a note each time); since numbering varies between editions, this reference point allows the reader to find each text word for word. In Sunnism, six collections are particularly important: Sahih al-Bukhari, Sahih Muslim, Jami al-Tirmidhi, Sunan Abi Dawud, Sunan al-Nasa'i and Sunan Ibn Majah. The first two, Bukhari and Muslim, enjoy exceptional authority in Sunnism.
The role of the hadiths is decisive, for the Quran alone does not give the detail of many Islamic practices: the exact number of daily prayers, the forms of prayer, the details of the pilgrimage, episodes of Muhammad's life. That is why a purely "Quranist" Islam is in tension with majority historical Islam: it wants to keep the Quran, but deprives itself of the sources that explain how Islam was concretely lived.
The sîra and the tafsîr
The sîra is the biography of Muhammad. The most famous is that of Ibn Hisham, a 9th-century rewriting of older material associated with Ibn Ishaq (died c. 767). The tafsîrs are the commentaries on the Quran: they explain the verses, their context, and the legal and theological traditions attached to them.
A serious Catholic article on Islam therefore cannot cite only the Quran. It must also look at the Sunna and the sîra, because historical Islam never presented itself as a mere isolated book: it is a religious, legal, communal and political tradition structured around Muhammad's model.
Summary chronology of the origins of Islam
A very simplified timeline of the major dates helps fix the reference points before examining doctrine. Exact dates may vary according to traditional Muslim sources; academic datings (Donner, Robin, Hoyland) are sometimes broader.
- c. 570Traditional birth of Muhammad at Mecca
According to Ibn Hisham and al-Tabari, Muhammad was born into the Banu Hashim clan of the Quraysh tribe, at Mecca.
- 610First revelation on Mount Hira
At about the age of 40, Muhammad received, according to tradition, his first revelation through the angel Gabriel in the cave of Hira. Surah 96 (al-ʿAlaq) is traditionally presented as the first revealed.
- 610-622Meccan preaching
Meccan phase: short surahs, spiritual themes, defence of monotheism against Arab polytheism. Persecution of the newborn community. Partial emigration to Christian Abyssinia (615), a land of asylum.
- 622Hijra — emigration to Medina
Muhammad and his companions left Mecca for Yathrib (renamed Medina). The year 622 became year 1 of the Hijra (Muslim calendar). The Medinan phase was marked by the founding of a politico-religious umma.
- 624Battle of Badr
First great military victory of the Muslim community over the Meccans. According to Ibn Hisham's sîra, about 313 Muslims faced some 900 to 1,000 Meccans (950 in the most common account).[14] The battle founded Muhammad's military authority and consolidated the ideal of jihad fī sabīl Allāh (struggle on God's path).
- 627Battle of the Trench and Banu Qurayza
Failure of the Meccan siege of Medina thanks to the trench dug on Persian advice (Salman). Afterwards, the Jewish tribe of Banu Qurayza, accused of treason, saw its men executed according to the verdict of Saʿd ibn Muʿādh — between 400 and 900 according to the sources.
- 630Peaceful capture of Mecca
Muhammad entered Mecca at the head of 10,000 men. The Kaaba was cleansed of idols; the Quraysh tribe rallied. Islamic preaching became hegemonic in western Arabia.
- 632Death of Muhammad at Medina
- 644-656Uthmanic recension of the Quran
The third caliph Uthman ordered the production of an official Quran, based on the sheets kept by Hafsa. Several copies were sent to the provinces and the other Quranic materials were burnt. This is the text now called the muṣḥaf ʿUthmān.
- c. 750-770First sîra (Ibn Ishaq) and first great hadith collections
The first known biography of Muhammad, by Ibn Ishaq, was written about 130 years after his death. It reaches us only through the rewriting of Ibn Hisham (d. 833). The Maghāzī of al-Wāqidī (c. 820) followed.
- 850-875Compilation of the Sahihs of Bukhari and Muslim
Bukhari (died 870) and Muslim (died 875) compiled their collections of hadiths deemed authentic. Time gap with Muhammad: about 220 to 250 years, the equivalent of chronicles of the French Revolution written today from oral testimony.
This timeline makes one epistemological fact manifest: almost everything classical Islam holds to be true about Muhammad's life was written down between 120 and 250 years after the events. Oral transmission carried this memory, and necessarily deformed it too — as Muslim scholars themselves knew, having developed the science of transmission chains (isnād) precisely to answer this structural difficulty.
The decisive fracture: Jesus Christ
What the Quran affirmatively says about Jesus
The Quran says many lofty things about Jesus. It calls him al-Masih — the Messiah; it affirms his virginal birth; it presents Mary as chosen and purified; it attributes miracles to Jesus, notably healing the man born blind and the leper, raising the dead "with God's permission", and even the apocryphal episode of the clay bird animated by his breath.[15]
These affirmations explain why many Muslims say to Christians: "We recognise Jesus, why do you not recognise Muhammad?" The Catholic answer lies in a simple distinction: recognising a name is not enough; one must recognise who Jesus really is. Yet the Quranic Jesus is not the Jesus confessed by the Apostles, the martyrs, the Fathers of the Church, the councils and Christian liturgy.
The Quran denies the divinity of Christ
The Quran explicitly rejects the claim that Christ is God or Son of God. Surah 5 declares unbelievers those who say that God is the Messiah, son of Mary (5:17; 5:72), and those who speak of God as "a third of three" (5:73).[16] Surah 112 lapidarily affirms that God "neither begets nor is begotten".[17]
For a Christian, this is not a secondary divergence. The New Testament confesses that the Word was God, that he became flesh, that Thomas calls Jesus "my Lord and my God", that all things were created through the Son and for the Son.[18] The Council of Nicaea (325) and then Constantinople (381) did not fabricate this faith: they formulated it against the reductions that denied the full divinity of the Son.
The Quran denies the redemptive crucifixion
Surah 4, verse 157 affirms that the Jews neither killed nor crucified Jesus, but that it was made to appear so to them.[19] Muslim exegeses have interpreted this passage in different ways: according to the majority Sunni reading, God supposedly raised Jesus to heaven alive and gave Christ's appearance to another man — often identified as Judas or Simon of Cyrene — who was crucified in his place. Other readings, notably Ahmadi ones, maintain that Jesus supposedly survived the Cross and died later. The common doctrinal result remains clear, however: Islam refuses that Jesus truly died on the Cross to save men.
The crucifixion: a historical fact attested outside Christianity
This Quranic denial runs into a massive obstacle: the crucifixion of Jesus is, among the events of Antiquity, one of the best attested by extra-Christian sources. This point is crucial for Muslim-Christian dialogue: a Muslim does not recognise the authority of the New Testament — he thinks precisely that Christians supposedly falsified the Gospel (the doctrine of taḥrīf). Quoting Saint Paul to a Muslim to refute the Quran would therefore be circular. One must rely on sources that Muslims themselves recognise as historically valid, that is, the pagan, Jewish and non-Christian chroniclers of the 1st and 2nd centuries.[20]
At least five independent witnesses outside Christianity attest the death by crucifixion of Jesus:
| Source | Date | Status | Mention |
|---|---|---|---|
| Tacitus, Annals XV, 44 | c. 116 | Pagan Roman historian | « Christ, sous le règne de Tibère, avait été livré au supplice par le procurateur Ponce Pilate » |
| Flavius Josephus, Jewish Antiquities XVIII, 63-64 | c. 93-94 | Jewish historian | « Pilate l'avait condamné à la croix » (core held to be authentic; the rest of the passage, called the Testimonium Flavianum, is partially interpolated — cf. the Arabic recension studied by Shlomo Pines, 1971)[21] |
| Mara bar Serapion, letter to his son | between 73 and 200 | Syriac philosopher | « Quel avantage les Juifs ont-ils retiré d'avoir mis à mort leur sage Roi ? » |
| Lucian of Samosata, The Death of Peregrinus | c. 165 | Pagan Greek satirist | « Ce sophiste qui fut crucifié en Palestine » |
| Babylonian Talmud, Sanhedrin 43a | redaction 4th-6th c. | Hostile Jewish source | « On a pendu Yeshou à la veille de la Pâque » |
These sources are independent of Christianity, sometimes hostile, and converge on the minimal fact: a man named Jesus was executed under Pontius Pilate in Judea around the year 30. The historian John Meier, in his survey A Marginal Jew, holds the crucifixion of Jesus under Pontius Pilate to be one of only two facts of Jesus' life to command almost universal assent among historians, along with baptism by John the Baptist.[22]
The criterion of embarrassment reinforces this conclusion: crucifixion was, in Antiquity, an infamous death reserved for rebellious slaves and brigands. As the historian Martin Hengel, a specialist of ancient crucifixion, stresses, nobody would have invented a crucified Messiah to found a religion: proclaiming the Crucified One as Messiah can only be explained by a massive historical event.[23]
The Quranic position thus stands in frontal contradiction with what John Meier describes, at the end of his survey, as one of only two facts of Jesus' life to command almost universal assent among historians — including non-Christians — a conclusion taken up by Ehrman (2012) and Van Voorst (2000), independently of any Christian authority.[24][25] This is one of the very rare cases where a later religion claims to correct history itself, without being able to produce a contemporary witness. For the detailed demonstration, see The Resurrection of Jesus and Did Jesus really exist?.
The Quran's prophetic silence on the Cross
Beyond the material denial, the Quranic position raises a problem of internal coherence. The Quran recognises that Jesus is Messiah (3:45; 4:171), yet the word Messiah (Mashiaḥ, al-Masīḥ) is not a vague title: it has a precise content in Jewish prophecy. The Messiah is the one announced by Psalms 22 and 69, and above all by Isaiah 53, written several centuries before Jesus:
« Il était méprisé, abandonné des hommes, homme de douleurs, familier de la souffrance. […] Ce sont nos souffrances qu'il portait, et nos douleurs dont il s'était chargé. […] Il a été transpercé à cause de nos crimes, écrasé à cause de nos fautes. […] Comme un agneau qu'on mène à la boucherie, comme une brebis muette devant les tondeurs, il n'ouvre pas la bouche. » — Isaïe 53, 3-7, Bible de Jérusalem[26]
This text of Isaiah is contained in full in the 1QIsaᵃ scroll of Qumran, dated by palaeography and radiocarbon to the 2nd century before Jesus Christ — hence well before any possibility of Christian interpolation.[27] The Quran does not reject Isaiah; it nowhere says that this text was falsified. But in denying that the Messiah was pierced, it renders Isaiah 53 unintelligible: if the Messiah does not suffer, if the Messiah does not die, who then was the man of sorrows announced? Quranic doctrine leaves this great messianic prophecy without fulfilment.
Why Christians cannot recognise Muhammad as a prophet
The biblical criterion of the true prophet
In the Bible, a prophet is not merely a powerful religious man. He is sent by God to call to fidelity to the Covenant, not to contradict a revelation already given. Deuteronomy gives two criteria: not to lead towards another worship, and not to speak falsely in God's name.[28]
The New Testament adds a radical christological criterion. Saint Paul writes to the Galatians: even if an angel from heaven announced another Gospel than the one received from the Apostles, let him be anathema.[29] This sentence aims exactly at the type of case posed by Islam: a later revelation, attributed to a heavenly messenger, which corrects the apostolic Gospel about Jesus.
The christological problem is already enough
The first obstacle to recognising Muhammad is therefore doctrinal: he transmits a message that denies the divinity of Christ, his crucifixion, his divine filiation and the Trinity. Even if Muhammad had led a morally irreproachable life by every standard, Christians could not recognise as a prophet of God someone whose message destroys the heart of Christian Revelation.
The point is not psychological — "Christians dislike Muhammad" — but theological: the biblical prophet confirms and deepens Revelation; he does not invert it. A message that tells Christians: "Jesus is not the eternal Son, he did not die on the Cross, the Apostles misunderstood or falsified the essentials" cannot come from the Spirit who founded the Church.
No messianic prophecy verified in advance
A second criterion distinguishes the biblical prophets from Muhammad: the prophets of the Old Testament announce verifiable events in advance. Isaiah announces the suffering Messiah (Is 53), Micah announces the birth at Bethlehem (Mi 5:2), Zechariah announces the thirty pieces of silver (Zech 11:12-13), Daniel announces the seventy weeks (Dan 9:24-27), David announces the piercing of hands and feet (Ps 22:17). These prophecies are several centuries earlier than their fulfilment, and their pre-Christian existence is attested by the Qumran manuscripts and the Septuagint of Alexandria (3rd-2nd century BC).[30]
The Quran, by contrast, contains no prophecy verifiable in advance and publicly checkable. The only explicit predictions often concern imminent political events: thus surah 30:2-5 (al-Rūm) predicts the coming victory of the Byzantines (al-Rūm) over the Persians — a passage whose dating is debated: Muslim tradition places it before the Byzantine counter-offensive (c. 615-616, victory accomplished in 627-628), while critical historians defend a later redaction, contemporary with the successes of Heraclius. Above all, the Quran gives no precise verifiable prediction about the end of time, future discoveries, or independently datable events. This is a structural asymmetry with biblical prophecy, founded on Deut 18:22: a true prophet is known by his words being fulfilled.
No solidly attested public miracle
A third criterion is miraculous. The major biblical prophets perform public and independently attested miracles: Moses before Pharaoh (Ex 7-12), Elijah facing the priests of Baal (1 Kgs 18:20-40), Jesus multiplying the loaves before 5,000 men (Jn 6:1-15), healing blind men known in Jerusalem (Jn 9), raising Lazarus before a crowd (Jn 11). The Acts of the Apostles report the miracles of Peter and Paul before identifiable witnesses.
Yet the Quran itself says that Muhammad performed no public miracles confirming his mission. Surah 17:90-93 reports his contemporaries asking him for signs — that he make a spring gush forth, possess a garden, make the sky fall in fragments, ascend to heaven — and Muhammad simply replies by God's order: « Mon Seigneur soit glorifié ! Que suis-je sinon un homme, un messager ? »[31]
« Et rien ne nous a empêché d'envoyer les signes [miracles], si ce n'est que les anciens les avaient traités de mensonges. » — Coran, sourate 17, verset 59[32]
The Quran therefore itself declares that the only miracle vouching for Muhammad's mission is the Quran itself — a circular argument which neither Christians nor atheists can accept without independent proof. The miracles attributed to Muhammad (the night journey, the split moon, water gushing between his fingers) appear in later hadiths, without witnesses outside the community, and are themselves contested within the Muslim tradition.[33]
The Deuteronomic criterion applied
Deuteronomy gives two tests for recognising a prophet: (1) Deut 13:2-6 — a prophet who turns away from the God of Israel towards another worship is a false prophet, even if he performs signs; (2) Deut 18:22 — a prophet whose words are not fulfilled is a false prophet.
Applied to Muhammad by a Christian:
- Test 1 (orthodoxy): Muhammad denies the Trinity and the divinity of Christ, whereas the Revelation fulfilled in Jesus has already been given and confirmed by the public miracles of Christ and his Apostles. A later message that inverts the earlier Revelation fails this test.
- Test 2 (fulfilment): Muhammad announced no precise long-term verifiable event of which the primitive Christian community could have been witness.
From the Christian point of view, Muhammad therefore passes neither of the two Deuteronomic tests. For a Muslim, this argument is obviously refused, but it at least answers the question: « on what basis do Christians refuse to recognise Muhammad? » — on the basis of the biblical criterion itself, not of arbitrary rejection.
The moral and political problem of the prophetic model
The moral question is treated in detail in the section "The problems of Muhammad's life" below: if Christians are to recognise a prophet as a spiritual model, they must be able to see in him a holiness conformed to the Law fulfilled in love. Yet several authentic Muslim traditions attribute to Muhammad acts or permissions that are hard to reconcile with the Christian ideal.
For Christianity, the norm of the prophet is not only religious or political effectiveness; it is conformity to Christ, meek and humble of heart, who refuses to call down fire on those who do not welcome him (Lk 9:54-56), forbids Peter to defend the Kingdom by the sword (Mt 26:52) and forgives his executioners (Lk 23:34).[34]
The problems of Muhammad's life
No ad personam accusation can stand in for a theological argument: a religion is not refuted by its founder's faults. But Islam makes Muhammad an absolute moral model (al-insān al-kāmil, "the perfect man"), to be imitated in the detail of behaviours (the Sunna). The Quran presents him as "an excellent model to follow" for the believer (surah 33:21). This makes Muhammad's life apologetically decisive: if it contains grave elements morally incompatible with biblical holiness, the status of insān al-kāmil becomes untenable. This section fairly presents, on the basis of Sunni sources themselves — Sahih al-Bukhari, Sahih Muslim, Ibn Hisham's sîra, al-Tabari's chronicles, al-Wāqidī's Maghāzī — the episodes that have fed Christian apologetics on this point from John of Damascus to our days.[35]
The late nature of the sources
Even before examining the content, one strong epistemological fact must be noted: all biographies of Muhammad are late. Muhammad died in 632 (year 10 of the Hijra). Yet:
- The first known sîra, that of Ibn Ishaq, was written around 760-770 — 130 years after Muhammad's death. It reaches us only through the rewriting of Ibn Hisham (died 833), sometimes with cuts of passages deemed embarrassing.[36]
- The great hadith collections were compiled around 850-870: Sahih al-Bukhari (d. 870), Sahih Muslim (d. 875), al-Tirmidhi (d. 892).
- The Maghāzī of al-Wāqidī (d. 822), a major source for the military expeditions, date from the early 9th century.
This time gap — comparable to the one separating the French Revolution from chronicles we would write today about it — raises the classic problem of oral transmission chains. Muslim scholars themselves developed the whole science of jarḥ wa-l-taʿdīl (criticism of transmitters) precisely because they knew that apocryphal hadiths circulated in large numbers: al-Bukhari is said to have examined more than 600,000 hadiths to retain only 7,397.[37] The orientalist Ignaz Goldziher, from the late 19th century, then the historian Patricia Crone in the 20th century, showed how much the early hadiths often reflect the theological-legal debates of the 2nd-3rd century of the Hijra rather than Muhammad's words.[38]
The marriage with Aisha (six years old / nine years old)
The most debated episode is Muhammad's marriage with Aisha bint Abu Bakr. Several hadiths deemed authentic (ṣaḥīḥ) report the ages:
« Le Prophète m'épousa quand j'avais six ans, et la consommation du mariage eut lieu quand j'avais neuf ans. » — ʿĀʾisha, citée dans Sahih al-Bukhari, hadith 5134[39]
The same fact is reported in:
- Sahih al-Bukhari, hadiths 3894, 3896, 5133, 5134, 5158, 6130, 7011;
- Sahih Muslim, hadith 1422a-d;
- Sunan Abī Dāwūd, hadith 4933;
- Sunan al-Nasāʾī, hadith 3257;
- Sunan Ibn Mājah, hadith 1877.[40]
The multiple and concordant recurrence of the two most authoritative Sunni collections (Bukhari and Muslim) makes the event hard to set aside for Muslims who claim the authority of the Sunna. Some modern Muslim apologists propose an alternative chronology, recalculating Aisha's age at 15-18 from her sister Asma's death dates and the great events of the Hijra. These recalculations are not attested in the early isnāds, however, and rest on inferential arguments rather than primary sources.
For the Christian conscience — and henceforth for the universal human conscience as crystallised in international children's rights law — the consummated marriage of an adult man with a nine-year-old girl is a grave moral category that cannot be justified by context. This datum, faithfully preserved by the most authoritative hadiths, is in structural tension with the claim of insān al-kāmil.
The military expeditions (ghazawāt)
Ibn Hisham's sîra and al-Wāqidī's Maghāzī report that Muhammad personally led 27 military expeditions (ghazawāt) and sent about 38 commanded raids (sarāyā) during the ten Medinan years (622-632).[41] Most targeted Meccan caravans, Arab tribes refusing Islam, or the Jewish communities of Medina. This massive military dimension is intrinsically linked to the history of Medinan Islam: preaching went together with a political and armed project. The word jihad (effort), which can also denote a spiritual struggle, denotes in the Medinan Quran chiefly armed struggle for God's cause.[42]
An instructive comparison with Jesus: the Gospels report no military action by Jesus in about three years of public preaching. He explicitly refuses to establish an earthly kingdom (Jn 6:15; Jn 18:36), disarms Peter at Gethsemane (Mt 26:52), and dies without an army. This structural difference between the two prophetic models is not a biographical detail: it commands two entirely different theologies of the kingdom.
The elimination of the Banu Qurayza
The most controversial episode of Medinan life is the fate reserved for the Jewish tribe of Banu Qurayza after the Battle of the Trench (627). Ibn Hisham and al-Tabari report that, upon the tribe's surrender, Muhammad accepted that judgment be entrusted to Saʿd ibn Muʿādh. The latter decided:
« Mon jugement est qu'on tue les hommes [combattants], qu'on partage leurs biens, et qu'on réduise en captivité les femmes et les enfants. » — Ibn Hisham, al-Sīra al-Nabawiyya (éd. Mustafa al-Saqqa, Caire, 1955), vol. 3, p. 240 ; al-Tabari, Tārīkh al-rusul wa-l-mulūk (éd. De Goeje, Leyde, 1879-1901), vol. 2, p. 251[43]
The number of men killed varies according to the sources between 400 and 900; women and children were sold as slaves. Muhammad approved the sentence and described it, in the formula transmitted by the sîra, as the « jugement de Dieu venu d'au-dessus des sept cieux ».[44] The event deeply marked the Christian apologists of the Middle Ages; it is also recognised and discussed by modern Muslim scholars, who propose different readings (self-defence, ancient norms of war, exaggerated transmission). No reading, however, removes the massive and deliberate character of the execution.
The ordered assassinations
Several sources report that Muhammad had verbal opponents assassinated. Three cases are attested in the sîra:
- Kaʿb ibn al-Ashraf, Jewish poet of Medina, was assassinated in 624 by Muhammad ibn Maslama and four companions on the Prophet's express order: « Qui se chargera pour moi d'Ibn al-Ashraf ? Il a fait du tort à Dieu et à Son Messager. » — Sahih al-Bukhari, hadith 4037; Ibn Hisham, vol. 3, pp. 51-58.[45]
- Asma bint Marwan, a poetess who had composed verses against Muhammad, was killed in her bed by ʿUmayr ibn ʿAdī al-Khaṭmī; Ibn Saʿd and al-Wāqidī report that Muhammad approved the deed (Ṭabaqāt II, 31).
- Abū ʿAfak, an elderly Jewish satirist, was killed by Sālim ibn ʿUmayr while he slept (Ibn Saʿd, II, 32; al-Wāqidī, Maghāzī I, 174).
These accounts are absent from Bukhari for the latter two cases, but well present in the sîra and the Tabaqāt, traditionally received within the Sunni historical corpus. By comparison, Jesus defends Mary Magdalene against stoning (Jn 8:1-11), heals the ear of Malchus (Lk 22:51), and dies forgiving his own executioners (Lk 23:34).
Slavery, concubines and captives
The Quran and the sîra do not abolish slavery; they regulate it. Surah 23:5-6 clearly distinguishes two categories of lawful women for believers:
« Sauf avec leurs épouses ou les esclaves qu'ils possèdent, car là ils ne sont pas blâmables. » — Coran, sourate 23, versets 5-6 ; voir aussi 33, 50 ; 70, 30[46]
The hadiths explicitly discuss relations with war captives: Sahih Muslim 1438 reports the question of ʿazl (coitus interruptus) with the captives of Awtas. Sahih al-Bukhari 5210 confirms the practice. The whole institutes a legal framework of sacralised concubinage through possession.[47]
The contrast with Saint Paul, who asks Philemon to receive the slave Onesimus "no longer as a slave, but as a beloved brother" (Phlm 16), and with the explicit condemnation of the enslavement of Christians by pontifical bulls (Eugene IV, Sicut dudum, 1435; Paul III, Sublimis Deus, 1537; Leo XIII, In Plurimis, 1888), is radical.[48]
The marriage with Zaynab and the Prophet's special status
Surah 33:37 recounts a controversial event: Muhammad marries Zaynab bint Jahsh, the ex-wife of his adopted son Zayd ibn Hāritha, after Zayd divorced. The Quranic text justifies this marriage by saying that God himself authorised it to abolish the ban on marriage with the ex-wife of an adopted son:
« Quand Zayd eut cessé toute relation avec elle, Nous te la fîmes épouser, afin qu'il n'y ait nul empêchement pour les croyants à épouser les femmes de leurs fils adoptifs, quand ceux-ci ont cessé toute relation avec elles. » — Coran, sourate 33, verset 37[49]
Muslim commentators explain that this was to abolish a tribal custom. Critical exegetes note, however, the troubling coincidence: it is precisely the marriage the Prophet desires that becomes an exemption from the social ban. Surah 33:50 moreover multiplies the matrimonial privileges proper to the Prophet: unlimited number of wives, exemption from dowry, exemption from waiting, access to paternal cousins, rights over captives — privileges reserved to "you alone, to the exclusion of other believers".[50]
The summary table
| Apologetic criterion | Jesus (sources: 4 canonical Gospels, written c. 65-95 AD; events related c. 30-33) | Muhammad (sources: sîra 130-200 years later, hadiths 220 years later) |
|---|---|---|
| Marriage with a child | No marriage | Aisha 6 years / 9 years (Bukhari 5134, Muslim 1422a) |
| Personal military leadership | None | 27 personal expeditions, ~38 commanded raids |
| Order to kill opponents | None | Kaʿb ibn al-Ashraf, Asma bint Marwan, Abū ʿAfak |
| Massacre of prisoners | None | Banu Qurayza: 400-900 men (Ibn Hisham, ed. al-Saqqa, III, 240) |
| Slavery / concubinage | None (Paul asks for manumission, Phlm 16) | Regulated, authorised (Quran 23:6; 33:50) |
| Personal sexual privileges | None, lived celibate | Explicit privileges (Quran 33:50) |
| Public independently attested miracles | Multiple witnesses, non-Christian sources | None according to the Quran itself (17:90-93) |
| Prophecies verified in advance | Isaiah, Micah, Daniel, Zechariah, Ps 22 (pre-Christian text at Qumran) | No verifiable long-term prophecy |
The purpose of this table is not invective: it is honest discernment between two prophetic models. Catholics can understand that pious Muslims are shocked by this comparison; they must however remind them that these facts are reported by Muslim sources themselves, in the collections that Sunni tradition recognises as the most authentic.
Contemporary Muslim responses
Many contemporary Muslims reread these accounts with subtlety. Several strategies are used: historical contestation (the hadiths were supposedly late forgeries reflecting the debates of the 2nd-3rd century of the Hijra); contextualisation (Medinan norms were supposedly not universalisable); allegorisation (the episodes supposedly had a non-political spiritual meaning); or hierarchisation (the Quran takes precedence over the hadiths, and the Quran was supposedly less severe). The Swiss Muslim thinker of Egyptian origin Tariq Ramadan, in The Messenger (2007), proposes a spiritual and humanising reading. The Sudanese reformer Mahmoud Mohamed Taha (d. 1985, executed at Khartoum for apostasy) proposed distinguishing the spiritual Meccan surahs from the political Medinan surahs, giving priority to the former.[51]
These readings are valuable, but they run into an intra-Islamic wall: they conflict with the traditional Sunni consensus on the authenticity of Bukhari and Muslim. To massively reread these accounts, one would first have to downgrade the most authoritative hadiths — which amounts to rebuilding classical Islam on other foundations. That is precisely what Muslim reformist thinkers attempt; that is precisely what Sunni orthodoxy and Twelver Shiite orthodoxy refuse.
The Quran and the Bible: the question of falsification
The classical Muslim objection
Faced with divergences between the Bible and the Quran, one Muslim objection often recurs: Jews and Christians supposedly falsified their Scriptures. The Quran accuses certain holders of Scripture of twisting words or hiding part of what was revealed to them.[52] In later Muslim-Christian polemics, this accusation often becomes stronger: the Torah and the Gospel were supposedly textually corrupted.
The problem is historical: for the objection to work, one would have to explain when, where, by whom and how a massive falsification supposedly altered the central doctrines of Christianity, while escaping the Christian communities scattered across the Roman Empire, Persia, Syria, Egypt, Armenia, Ethiopia and India. The vaster the supposed falsification, the more implausible it becomes.
The Old Testament and Qumran
The Dead Sea Scrolls, discovered from 1947 onwards, provided Jewish biblical witnesses earlier than or contemporary with Christ. They show a complex textual transmission, with families of texts, but they reveal no anciently Islamic Bible that was later Christianised. The great biblical themes — Covenant, sacrifice, sin, Messiah, chosen people, Law, Temple — are already there.
The differences between the Masoretic text, the Septuagint and some Qumran manuscripts belong to the normal textual criticism of an ancient library, not to late doctrinal falsification. Above all, they predate Islam by several centuries. They therefore cannot be explained as a Christian alteration intended to hide Muhammad.
The New Testament and manuscript transmission
The New Testament is the ancient corpus best attested by the mass of its Greek, Latin, Syriac, Coptic and other ancient-tradition manuscripts. Textual criticism notes many variants, but the immense majority concern spelling, word order, accidental omissions or minor harmonisations. The substantial variants are known, printed in the critical editions, and do not yield a hidden Islamic christology.
Above all, the doctrines Islam contests — divinity of Christ, death on the Cross, Resurrection, worship rendered to Jesus — are attested very early. They do not depend on a medieval alteration: they are found in Paul's letters, in the Gospels, in Ignatius of Antioch, Justin, Irenaeus, Tertullian, Athanasius, and in the ancient baptismal liturgy. To remove these doctrines would have required falsifying simultaneously the biblical manuscripts, the patristic quotations, the anti-heretical controversies and the liturgical memory of very distant communities.
The Gospel of Barnabas and the apocrypha
Some Muslim apologists invoke the Gospel of Barnabas, a late text presenting a Jesus conformed to Islam. But specialists place it in the late Middle Ages or the modern era, with an Italian and Spanish text, very far from apostolic Christianity. It is not a 1st-century gospel, nor an independent witness of Jesus' life.
Conversely, the Quran takes up at least one famous motif from a Christian apocryphon: the child Jesus fashioning a clay bird, then giving it life by his breath, an episode absent from the four canonical Gospels but present in the childhood traditions of Jesus.[53] The problem is not that the Quran knows extra-canonical traditions; it is that it claims to correct the canonical Gospels while integrating accounts the Church never received as apostolic.
The Quranic text: unity, variants and history
The Uthman account
Bukhari's account of Uthman shows that Muslim history knows a stage of standardisation of the Quranic text.[54] This alone does not prove that the Quran is "false"; it only proves that the idea of a text fallen materially from heaven as a single copy immediately stabilised does not match the traditional account itself.
The work of the believer and of the historian is not the same. Muslims may believe that God protected the Quran through this standardisation. Historians note a process: recitation, memorisation, collection, codex, recension, canonical readings. Christians need not exaggerate this point; it suffices to show that the history of the Quran is a real history, with human transmission and decisions.
The Quranic readings
Sunni Islam recognises several canonical readings (qirâ'ât) of the Quran, transmitted by different chains: Hafs after Asim is today the most widespread, but Warsh after Nafi remains used notably in North Africa. These readings are not simply "accents"; they sometimes involve differences of vowels, verb forms, words, and thus nuances of meaning.
Here again, one must not caricature: Muslim scholars developed a precise science of these readings. But the very existence of the qirâ'ât makes difficult the popular argument that the Quran is, materially and in every respect, a textual block without any history comparable to other ancient texts.
Birmingham and Sanaa
The Birmingham manuscript, radiocarbon-dated on the parchment to an early range compatible with the 7th century, is often presented as proof of the antiquity of the Quranic text.[55] It does show that portions of the Quran circulated very early. But the antiquity of a manuscript witness does not prove the divine origin of the text: it proves an ancient transmission.
The Sanaa palimpsest, for its part, matters because its lower text presents variants against the standard Quranic text. Its existence does not overturn the history of Islam; it only confirms that the beginnings of the Quranic text also belong to a manuscript history that can be studied. The work of Behnam Sadeghi and Mohsen Goudarzi (Der Islam, 2012) catalogued dozens of textual variants between the lower text of Sanaa I and the standard Uthmanic text.[56]
Contemporary academic revisionism
Since the 1970s, an academic current — sometimes called the "revisionist school" — has proposed very different reconstructions of the origins of Islam. John Wansbrough (School of Oriental and African Studies, London) in Quranic Studies (1977) and The Sectarian Milieu (1978) maintains that the Quran crystallised late, over two centuries, in the Jewish and Christian sectarian milieu of Mesopotamia; Patricia Crone and Michael Cook, in Hagarism (1977), propose an alternative account of Arab origins; Christoph Luxenberg (pseudonym), in Die syro-aramäische Lesart des Koran (2000), proposes a Syro-Aramaic reading of about a quarter of the Quran's obscure passages; Angelika Neuwirth (Berlin), while remaining more moderate, resituates the Quran in its late-antique context of an "Arab Late Antiquity".[57]
These works do not command consensus, and Muslim scholars often contest their methods. But they show at least one thing: the history of the Quran's origins is today an active academic field, producing hypotheses competing with the traditional chronology. The Muslim position of a Quran fallen materially from heaven in perfect form and immediately stabilised is no longer an obvious datum even in the best universities of the Western Muslim world.
Can the Quran be a book of divine origin?
This question is, for Christian apologetics, perhaps even more decisive than that of Muhammad. If the Quran is truly the uncreated Word of God (kalām Allāh) dictated word for word to Muhammad by Gabriel, then no Christian criticism holds. If, by contrast, the Quran presents historical anachronisms, scientific errors affirmed as certain, internal contradictions structured by the theory of abrogation, and literary dependencies on earlier Jewish and Christian texts, then the thesis of a purely divine origin becomes hard to maintain. This section fairly presents the arguments advanced by Christian and Jewish apologists from John of Damascus (8th century) to contemporary orientalists.
Anachronisms: Mary sister of Aaron, Pharaonic Haman, Pharaoh's tower
The Quran identifies Mary, mother of Jesus, as sister of Aaron and daughter of Imran (surah 19:28; surah 3:35-36; surah 66:12). Yet Aaron and Imran (Amram, the father of Aaron and Moses) are biblical figures who lived more than 1,200 years before Mary. The Bible clearly distinguishes two Marys: Miriam, sister of Moses and Aaron, daughter of Amram (Ex 6:20; Num 26:59); and Mary, mother of Jesus (Lk 1:27). Confusing the two is a massive historical anachronism.[58]
Classical Muslim commentators felt the difficulty. The hadith of Muslim 2135 reports that the Christians of Najran supposedly already put the question to Muhammad, who supposedly replied: « Les Anciens nommaient leurs enfants d'après leurs ancêtres et leurs hommes de bien. » This explanation is unconvincing: the biblical Mary has a known genealogy (Luke 3:23-38), different from Aaron's. The Quran seems to fuse two distinct biblical figures — a phenomenon typical of late and secondary transmission, not of fresh divine revelation.
A second striking anachronism concerns Haman, identified in the Quran (surah 28:6, 8, 38; surah 29:39; surah 40:24, 36) as the minister of Pharaoh at Moses' time in Egypt. Yet Haman is a biblical figure of the book of Esther (chapter 3), minister of the Persian king Ahasuerus (Xerxes I, c. 480 BC) at Susa — hence almost a thousand years after Moses and in another empire. This identification is unknown to all Egyptological sources. Maurice Bucaille, a French physician, attempts to contest this by reinterpreting Hāmān as an Amenhotep-era dignitary, but no Egyptological attestation exists.[59]
A third anachronism: the Quran (surah 28:38) has Pharaoh build, through Haman, a lofty tower to reach the God of Moses. This is manifestly a borrowing from the Tower of Babel (Gen 11) confusingly attributed to Pharaonic Egypt.
Scientific errors affirmed as certain
The Quran claims to describe nature with divine authority. Several passages affirm, as certain, what science has since disproved. To be precise: an ancient text may be silent on science without being false; but when it affirms a natural fact and that statement contradicts the facts, the divine claim becomes difficult.
The setting of the sun in a muddy spring
« Jusqu'à ce qu'il [Dhū'l-Qarnayn] arrivât au couchant du soleil, il le trouva qui se couchait dans une source boueuse, et trouva près d'elle un peuple. » — Coran, sourate 18, verset 86 (récit de Dhū'l-Qarnayn)[60]
The text affirms that Dhū'l-Qarnayn — generally identified with Alexander the Great — travels to the place where the sun sets, and finds it setting in a muddy spring of water. A hadith literally reports that the sun "sets in a hot-water spring" (Sunan Abī Dāwūd 4002, account of Abū Dharr).[61] The classical commentators al-Tabarī, Ibn Kathīr and al-Qurtubī attempt various harmonisations, but the Arabic text (ʿayn ḥamiʾa) clearly means "muddy spring of water". Affirming this as a natural fact belongs to a pre-Galilean cosmology incompatible with timeless divine revelation.
Embryology
The Quran describes the embryo's formation in several stages (surah 23:12-14; surah 22:5; surah 75:37-39; surah 76:2):
« Nous avons certes créé l'homme d'un extrait d'argile. Puis Nous en fîmes une goutte de sperme dans un reposoir solide. Ensuite, Nous avons fait de la goutte de sperme un caillot de sang [ʿalaqa], puis Nous avons fait du caillot de sang une masse de chair [muḍgha], puis Nous avons fait de la masse de chair des os, puis Nous avons revêtu les os de chair. » — Coran, sourate 23, versets 12-14[62]
The French physician Maurice Bucaille maintained, in La Bible, le Coran et la Science (1976), that this description anticipated modern embryology. The thesis was taken up by the Canadian physician Keith Moore. But the historian Basim F. Musallam and documented critics (Robert Spencer) showed that this description actually follows 2nd-century Galenic physiology, transmitted through the medical schools of Alexandria and Gondishapur, and already present in Hippocrates and Galen: conception as a clot, then a mass of flesh, then bones, then covering.[63] This sequence is today scientifically false: bones do not form before flesh, they form simultaneously with mesenchyme and connective tissue. The Quran therefore does not describe modern embryology; it reproduces the late-antique medical science circulating in 7th-century Arabia.
The sky as a protective roof
« Et Nous avons fait du ciel un toit protégé. » — Coran, sourate 21, verset 32[64]
Surah 13 (verse 2) and surah 31 (verse 10) specify that God raised the heavens "without pillars that you can see". This cosmology of a solid sky (raqīʿ) above the earth follows the late-antique and Greek biblical cosmology (cf. Genesis 1:6-7 on the firmament), but affirmed as present data — whereas Christian revelation subsequently integrated Galileo, Newton, Hubble and modern cosmology. Pope John Paul II, in 1992, officially recognised the error of Galileo's trial. Classical Islam, for its part, never had its Galileo trial: Quranic cosmology remains theoretically binding.
Internal contradictions and the theory of abrogation
Classical Islam itself recognises that the Quran contains passages apparently contradicting one another. The theory of abrogation (nāsikh wa-mansūkh) resolves these contradictions by saying that a later verse may abrogate an earlier verse — even when both verses are God's Word. Its scriptural foundation is:
« Si Nous abrogeons un verset quelconque ou que Nous le fassions oublier, Nous en apportons un meilleur, ou un semblable. Ne sais-tu pas qu'Allah est Omnipotent ? » — Coran, sourate 2, verset 106[65]
Classical Muslim scholars — al-Suyūṭī, al-Zarkashī — catalogued between 5 and 71 cases of abrogation, according to the legal schools.[66] Notable examples:
| Earlier verse (often Meccan) | Later (Medinan) abrogating verse |
|---|---|
| « Pas de contrainte en religion » (2:256) | « Combattez ceux qui ne croient pas en Allah… » (9:29) according to several jurists |
| « Si on ne lutte pas contre vous, ne luttez pas » (2:190) | « Tuez-les où vous les trouvez » (9:5, verse of the sword) |
| « À vous votre religion, à moi la mienne » (109:6) | « Combattez-les jusqu'à ce qu'il n'y ait plus de discorde » (8:39) |
This doctrine raises a major theological problem. If God is immutable and omniscient, how can he successively reveal incompatible rules, present each as his Word, then abrogate the first by the second? The historian Olivier Hanne sees in this the trace of a historical elaboration adjusted to evolving political situations — from the peaceful surahs of persecuted Mecca to the martial surahs of victorious Medina — rather than that of a timeless divine Word.[67]
For Muslim apologists, abrogation is a progressive divine pedagogy. For Christian apologists, it is rather the sign that we are faced with a text composed in several historical strata, not a direct dictation.
Dependence on earlier Judeo-Christian sources
A great many Quranic narratives appear as rewritings of Jewish and Christian apocrypha circulating in 7th-century Arabia. A few well-established examples:
- The clay bird that the child Jesus animates with his breath (Quran 3:49; 5:110) figures in the Infancy Gospel of Thomas, a 2nd-century Christian apocryphon.[68]
- The account of the Seven Sleepers of Ephesus (Quran 18:9-26) is a Syriac Christian legend attested in Jacob of Serugh (died 521).
- The account of Abraham smashing the idols (Quran 21:51-71) comes from the Jewish midrash Bereshit Rabbah (late 4th-early 5th century).
- The Queen of Sheba and the hoopoe (Quran 27:17-44) comes from the Targum Sheni of Esther.
- The incarnation and babbling of Jesus in the cradle (Quran 19:29-33) comes from the Arabic Infancy Gospel.
- The account of Alexander as bearer of the two horns (Quran 18:83-101) comes from the Syriac Alexander Romance.
The German orientalist Theodor Nöldeke, in his Geschichte des Qorâns (1860, reworked by Friedrich Schwally 1909-1938), remains the reference for this comparative philology.[69] Tor Andrae, Mahomet, sa vie et sa doctrine (1932), shows how the Syriac Christian, Manichaean and Jewish environment of Arabia shaped the Quranic narratives.
For Muslims, this is not a problem: God may have the Quran mention true accounts transmitted by Judeo-Christian sources. But the problem is reversed: if God truly corrects the earlier Revelation, why does he take up precisely accounts the Church never retained as apostolic? Why confirm the clay bird, which figures in no Gospel, rather than death on the Cross, which figures in every Gospel and every extra-Christian source?
The Quranic challenge of inimitability
The Quran itself issues a challenge: « Ils disent : Il l'a inventé. Dis : Composez donc une sourate semblable à ceci et appelez à votre aide qui vous pourrez en dehors d'Allah » (surah 10:38; cf. 2:23; 11:13; 17:88). This is the famous argument of inimitability (iʿjāz). Classical Sunni theology made it a central argument: the Quran's Arabic literary beauty was supposedly supernatural.
Several possible answers:
- Cultural argument: literary beauty is appreciable but subjective; a European without advanced Arabic training cannot judge it, and vice versa.
- Comparative argument: pre-Islamic Arabic literature (the Muʿallaqāt) and later literature (al-Mutanabbī, Ibn al-Muqaffaʿ, al-Ḥarīrī) reach comparable aesthetic heights.
- Epistemic argument: literary beauty does not demonstrate divine origin. Dante's Divine Comedy, Ovid's Metamorphoses, Shakespeare's Hamlet are extraordinary texts — without having fallen from heaven.
- Intra-Islamic argument: several figures historically attempted to produce "surahs like it" — Musaylima al-Kadhdhāb (died 632), Tulayḥa al-Asadī, and later al-Maʿarrī (died 1057) with his Risālat al-Ghufrān. The verdict of incapacity rested on Muslim judgment itself, which makes the challenge methodologically undecidable.
Inimitability therefore does not constitute an apologetic proof opposable to non-Muslims; it remains a respectable intra-community appreciation, but not probative.
Philosophical synthesis: eight objections against the divine origin of the Quran
The preceding sections examined one by one the difficulties of the Quran: anachronisms, natural errors, abrogation, literary dependencies, the challenge of inimitability. This section gathers them into a numbered probative dossier, in the form of a cumulative apologetic argument. No single objection, taken in isolation, may suffice to close the debate: a Muslim can always propose a local harmonisation. But their convergence carries weight. To sustain the Quranic thesis of a book dictated by God to Muhammad in Arabic by the angel Gabriel and preserved without alteration, one would have to answer cumulatively the following eight objections — without defusing a single one by major concession, failing which the whole structure crumbles.
The angle is deliberately philosophical and apologetic: it does not presuppose the truth of Christianity. Each objection is formulated so as to be raisable by a non-Christian rational mind — a historian, a philosopher, a benevolent atheist or a reformist Muslim — and each answer is built from data opposable from within the Islamic tradition itself. The aim is not to win a debate, but to make the thesis of a book fallen from heaven in perfect form rationally untenable. This tradition of gathered objections goes back to John of Damascus, and was taken up by Peter the Venerable (Liber contra sectam sive haeresim Saracenorum, 1156), Riccoldo da Monte Croce (Contra legem Saracenorum, c. 1300), Nicholas of Cusa (Cribratio Alkorani, 1461), Ludovico Marracci (Refutatio Alcorani, 1698) and, in the full university era, by Theodor Nöldeke and Leone Caetani (1869-1935).[70]
Objection 1 — "The revelation has no external witness"
When Moses receives the Law on Sinai, the whole people of Israel stands at the foot of the mountain and hears the voice from the midst of the fire (Exodus 19:16-19; Deuteronomy 4:33). When Christ teaches, multiplies the loaves and raises Lazarus, it is before crowds of living, identifiable and questionnable men and women. Blaise Pascal formulated the central apologetic criterion thus:
« Je crois volontiers les histoires dont les témoins se font égorger. » — Blaise Pascal, Pensées, éd. Brunschvicg, n° 593[71]
Yet the revelations to Muhammad were systematically received in solitude: the cave of Hira, isolated meditation, sleep, trances reported by the hadiths. Nobody sees the angel Gabriel, nobody hears the divine voice, except Muhammad himself. This pattern is structurally different from Sinai, Pentecost or the public Gospel miracles. Muslim theology itself never invokes a witness other than the Prophet, except by recourse to the late miracles of the hadiths — themselves contested intra-Islamically (cf. above). Should not a universal revelation, claiming to abrogate all previous ones, authenticate itself by a public, independently verifiable sign? The very structure of Quranic revelation raises a first-rank problem of epistemic verifiability.
Objection 2 — "The Quran itself acknowledges the absence of public miracles"
The criterion of the miracle attesting divine sending is universal in religion. Moses works the ten plagues before Pharaoh; Elijah brings down fire on Carmel before the priests of Baal; Jesus restores sight to blind men known to all, raises Lazarus before a crowd, multiplies the loaves before 5,000 men (cf. above). Yet in surah 17:90-93 and 59, the Quran explicitly acknowledges that Muhammad did not perform the signs his contemporaries asked of him. The justification given is embarrassing: God does not send them, because past peoples answered them with unbelief — an argument that makes no sense if the mission is universal and that contradicts the logic of the biblical prophets.
The later hadiths (split moon, water gushing from fingers, night journey) do not suffice to fill this gap: they are intra-community accounts, without identifiable outside witnesses and without independent control. According to the Danish orientalist Frants Buhl, author of a long-classical life of Muhammad (1903, German transl. 1930), the contrast is stark: the Quranic Muhammad performs no public miracles, while the thaumaturgic Muhammad of the hadiths belongs to a later piety filling that silence.[72]
The only miracle claimed by the Quran is the Quran itself (the challenge of inimitability, treated above). This argument is circular: it is precisely the status of the Quran that is in debate. One cannot prove the divine origin of a book by saying the book is divine.
Objection 3 — "The Quran draws on recognisable Judeo-Christian sources"
If the Quran is dictated by God word for word, one expects it to bring further light on sacred history, not to take up accounts already circulating in the 7th-century Arab religious environment. Yet scholars have identified in the Quran many accounts rewritten from known sources: the Infancy Gospel of Thomas (clay bird, 3:49), Bereshit Rabbah (Abraham smashing the idols, 21:51-71), the Syriac Alexander Romance (Dhū'l-Qarnayn, 18:83-101), the Targum Sheni of Esther (Queen of Sheba, 27:17-44), the Syriac Christian legend of the Seven Sleepers of Ephesus (18:9-26), the Arabic Infancy Gospel (babbling of Jesus in the cradle, 19:29-33). The German orientalist Theodor Nöldeke, Tor Andrae, Heinrich Speyer (Die biblischen Erzählungen im Qoran, 1931) and then Gabriel Said Reynolds (The Qurʾān and Its Biblical Subtext, 2010) drew up the systematic inventory.[73]
The problem is not that the Quran knows these accounts — a 7th-century man in Christian, Jewish and Manichaean Arabia cannot ignore them. The problem is that it confirms them while rejecting the canonical Scriptures of those who bear them. If God truly corrects the earlier Revelation, why take up the clay bird, which figures in no Gospel, rather than death on the Cross, which figures in all of them? The criterion of Quranic sorting appears consistent with a human production in a composite religious milieu, not with a timeless divine dictation supposed to sort the true from the false.
Objection 4 — "The Quran contains massive historical anachronisms"
The preceding sections flagged three particularly clear cases:
- Mary sister of Aaron (Quran 19:28; 3:35-36; 66:12) — confusion with Miriam, sister of Moses and Aaron, 1,200 years apart.
- Haman minister of Pharaoh (Quran 28:6, 38; 40:24; etc.) — Haman is the Persian minister of Xerxes I in the book of Esther, nearly 1,000 years and 2,500 km from the Mosaic Egyptian context.
- Tower of Babel attributed to Haman and Pharaoh (Quran 28:38) — transposed rewriting of Genesis 11.
To these three cases are added other tensions studied by academics: the Samaritans at Moses' time (Quran 20:85-97 mentions an al-Sāmirī who fashions the golden calf — an anachronism of over a thousand years, since the Samaritan community dates from after the exile); crucifixion threatened by Pharaoh (Quran 7:124; 20:71; 26:49 — a torment unknown to 2nd-millennium Pharaonic Egypt); the Romans as an early ethnic denominator in surah 30 — discussed in comparative Semitic linguistics by Richard Bell (1926) and more recently by Stephen Shoemaker.[74]
The Muslim apologist may attempt to defend each case in isolation; but the convergence of anachronisms betrays a human author mixing his sources, not an omniscient God speaking through history. Moreover, the dossier of crucifixion threatened by Pharaoh (Quran 7:124; 20:71; 26:49: Pharaoh threatens to cut off hands and feet then crucify): crucifixion as a torment is unknown to 2nd-millennium BC Egypt. For biblical chronology itself, see Noah's Ark: feasibility and the similar difficulties Muslim apologists rightly note in some fundamentalist Christian readings — but where Catholic theology, which holds the Flood to be a real historical event, distinguishes the fact affirmed by the inspired text from questions of precise dating and literary genre, a distinction the Quranic theory of word-for-word dictation forbids.
Objection 5 — "The Quran's science is that of the 7th century, not God's"
A divine revelation may be silent on science without being false. But when it positively affirms a state of the natural world and that statement contradicts what is known today, the claim of divine origin becomes hard to maintain. The Quran presents:
- The setting of the sun in a muddy spring (18:86) — assumed pre-Galilean cosmology.
- Galenic embryology (23:12-14; 22:5; 75:37-39) — the sequence sperm-drop → clot → chewed lump → bones then flesh, directly taken from Galen and Hippocrates, contradicted by modern embryology which shows that bones and connective tissue develop simultaneously from the mesenchyme.
- The sky as a solid roof (21:32; 13:2; 31:10) — late-antique cosmology of the raqīʿ.
- The seven superimposed heavens (67:3; 71:15; 78:12) — Ptolemaic cosmography with several spheres, taken almost word for word from Judeo-Syriac writings.
- The stars as projectiles against demons (67:5; 37:6-10; 72:8-9) — pre-scientific mythology about demons eavesdropping at heaven's gates.
- The mountains planted as pegs to stabilise the earth (78:6-7; 16:15; 21:31) — pre-Galilean geology, contradicted by modern plate tectonics.
Popular Islamic apologetics, notably Dr Maurice Bucaille's La Bible, le Coran et la science (Seghers, 1976), attempted the reverse path — that of concordism: proving that the Quran anticipated modern science. But the historian Basim F. Musallam (Sex and Society in Islam, 1983) and the American Catholic essayist Robert R. Reilly (The Closing of the Muslim Mind, 2010) demonstrated, with ancient medical texts in hand, that the Quranic passages cited by Bucaille follow point by point the 2nd-century Galenic physiology, transmitted in the schools of Alexandria and Gondishapur, and already available in Arabic in the 7th century via Nestorian Christians.[75] A God speaking in 610-632 thus uses the vocabulary and natural concepts available at that date. This is no more supernatural than the ancient biblical cosmologies — except that Christian theology distinguishes literary genre from theological message, whereas the Islamic theology of the Quran's verbal inerrancy does not allow it.
Objection 6 — "Abrogation makes a timeless divine word impossible"
The Quran itself authorises abrogation (2:106): a later verse may annul or replace an earlier verse. Classical Muslim jurists catalogued between 5 and 71 cases according to the schools, and the manuals of uṣūl al-fiqh make it a major science of Islamic jurisprudence (ʿilm al-nāsikh wa-l-mansūkh). The theological problem is of the first order:
If God is eternal, immutable and omniscient, observes the historian Olivier Hanne, the succession of two incompatible rules whose second annuls the first is hardly compatible with a timeless divine word: either God changed his mind, or he adapted to a historical situation — and in both cases the text bears the mark of a history.[76]
Christian theology knows an organic development of dogma, but it carefully distinguishes the immutable substance of Revelation (closed at the death of the last Apostle) from the progressive unfolding of that substance by the Church (cf. Dei Verbum 8). The Quran makes no such distinction: it claims to be the divine word qua talis. Abrogation then becomes an insoluble paradox. The medieval Muslim philosopher Averroes (Ibn Rushd, 1126-1198), aware of the difficulty, attempted an allegorical reading reserved for the elite (Faṣl al-Maqāl); but this position was condemned by Sunni orthodoxy after him, and classical Islam maintained the doctrine of verbal inerrancy.
Objection 7 — "The moral content is in tension with biblical holiness"
The section on Muhammad's life showed that the most authoritative Sunni sources (Bukhari, Muslim) attest: marriage with Aisha at six / consummation at nine; 27 personal military expeditions; ordered assassinations of verbal opponents; massive execution of the Banu Qurayza; concubinage with captives; personal matrimonial privileges exempting the Prophet from the common rules (33:50). These facts are reported by the Islamic tradition itself; they are not a hostile Christian caricature.
The apologetic argument is as follows: if the perfect prophetic model (al-insān al-kāmil) performs acts which today international law qualifies as war crimes, crimes against humanity or child abuse, then the claim of universal imitation (Quran 33:21) becomes morally untenable. One may of course contextualise, recalculate, recontextualise — as many contemporary Muslims do. But such rereading precisely contests the authority of the most authentic hadiths and rebuilds Islam on other foundations.
The argument is sharpened by direct comparison with Jesus of Nazareth. Christ refuses the sword at Gethsemane (Mt 26:52), commands love of enemies (Mt 5:44), forgives his executioners (Lk 23:34), refuses to call down fire on the Samaritans who do not welcome him (Lk 9:54-56), places the child at the centre of the Kingdom (Mt 18:1-4; 19:14), and condemns with extreme gravity scandal given to little ones (Mt 18:6). A prophet claiming to fulfil and correct the earlier Revelation should at minimum equal the holiness of the model he surpasses — not invert it. The Anglican theologian Kenneth Cragg (1913-2012), one of the most esteemed Christian islamologists of the 20th century, admired in Muhammad the tribal reformer, legislator and political leader, while holding that a Christian cannot place him above the Christ who dies forgiving: a question of moral elevation, not partisanship.[77]
Objection 8 — "No earlier messianic prophecy announces Muhammad"
The prophets of the Old Testament draw a decisive part of their authority from being fulfilled in later history (the criterion of Deuteronomy 18:22). Isaiah announces the suffering Servant; Micah announces Bethlehem; Daniel gives the computation of the seventy weeks; Psalm 22 announces the details of the Passion. The existence of these prophecies before Jesus is attested by the pre-Christian Qumran manuscripts and by the Septuagint of Alexandria (3rd-2nd century BC). It is precisely this historical cross-verification that distinguishes biblical prophecy from mere religious preaching.
Yet no prophecy of the Old or New Testament announces Muhammad. Muslim apologetics attempted several identifications:
| Biblical passage invoked | Muslim reading | Difficulty |
|---|---|---|
| Deuteronomy 18:18 ("prophet like Moses") | Muhammad | The text specifies "from among their brethren" — hence an Israelite, and the New Testament applies it to Jesus (Acts 3:22) |
| John 14:16 ("Paraclete") | Periklytos = Muhammad (the "praised one" = Aḥmad) | The Greek word is Parakletos (Advocate), not Periklytos; and Christ identifies the Holy Spirit, descended at Pentecost (Jn 14:26) |
| Song 5:16 ("Mahamaddim") | Muhammad | It is the Hebrew majestic plural "delights", not a proper name |
| Isaiah 21:7 ("rider on a camel") | Muhammad | The text speaks of a military message, not a prophet |
These readings are rejected by a broad convergence of Hebraists and Hellenists, Jewish, Protestant and Catholic.[78] Christian apologetics did not invent this difficulty: it is the Muslim community that sought — and did not find — solid biblical prophetic support. Yet if Islam is the fulfilment of the earlier Revelation, the silence of the prophets and the New Testament is a massive fact. The doctrine of taḥrīf (biblical falsification) is precisely the admission of this gap: it says the passages announcing Muhammad were erased by Jews and Christians — an ad hoc explanation that does not survive textual criticism (cf. above, Qumran and the NT).
Cumulative synthesis
Taken in isolation, each argument can be weakened by a local parry. But their systemic convergence makes the thesis of a timeless divine book difficult to defend rationally:
| # | Objection | Strength | Type of argument |
|---|---|---|---|
| 1 | No external witness of the revelation | Very strong | Epistemic |
| 2 | Quran acknowledges absence of public miracles (17:90-93) | Strong | Intra-Quranic |
| 3 | Rewriting of identified Jewish and Christian apocrypha | Strong | Philological |
| 4 | Massive anachronisms (Mary sister of Aaron, Haman) | Very strong | Historical |
| 5 | Galenic science and late-antique cosmology | Strong | Scientific |
| 6 | Contradictory abrogation of a timeless word | Very strong | Theological |
| 7 | Moral tension with biblical holiness | Strong | Ethical |
| 8 | No earlier prophecy announces Muhammad | Very strong | Apologetic |
Taken in isolation, each particular difficulty can be discussed or nuanced; but their systemic conjunction is incompatible with the hypothesis of timeless divine dictation — a judgment of philosophical reason, not of hostility towards Islam. On the philosophical background of the encounter between Christianity, Judaism and Islam, see the works of the French Catholic philosopher Rémi Brague, professor emeritus at the Sorbonne and laureate of the 2012 Ratzinger Prize.[79]
This conclusion is neither anti-Muslim nor triumphalist. It only says that the thesis of classical Islam — a Quran dictated word for word by God in Arabic to Muhammad by the angel Gabriel, perfectly preserved, abrogating the Bible — is not rationally sustainable by the philosophical, historical and apologetic criteria Islam itself invokes. A reformist Muslim may maintain a spiritual faith in Quranic inspiration without subscribing to this maximalist theology; but then he departs from traditional Sunni and Shiite orthodoxy, and conversation becomes possible on new bases.
The Ten Commandments as a Christian grid
The Law assumed by Christ
An illuminating pedagogical angle is to start again from the Ten Commandments. Jesus does not abolish them; he fulfils them. He recalls the commandment not to kill, the prohibition of adultery, the honour due to parents, the duty of truthfulness, and he carries them to their inner depth: anger, covetousness, hypocrisy, hardness of heart.[80]
For Christians, a prophet therefore cannot be judged only by his historical success. He must manifest a life conformed to God's Law fulfilled in love. That is why the question "why do you not recognise Muhammad?" cannot receive a purely diplomatic answer. It touches the model of holiness.
The Quranic version of the commandments
The Quran mentions Moses receiving tablets, but does not explicitly report the Ten Commandments of Exodus or Deuteronomy in their biblical form.[81] Several Muslim commentators nevertheless bring surah 6:151-153 close to a sort of Quranic decalogue: associate nothing with God, treat parents well, do not kill children through poverty, avoid shameful deeds, do not kill unjustly, protect the orphan's property, give just measure, speak equitably, fulfil the covenant with God, follow the straight path.[82]
This passage contains real moral elements. But it does not suffice to establish a perfect continuity with the Mosaic Law, since the Quran does not present it as the content of the Sinai tablets and its structure differs from that transmitted by the biblical tradition.
Violence, coercion and apostasy
The peaceful texts exist
It would be false to reduce Islam to violence. The Quran contains passages often cited in a peaceful sense, notably "no compulsion in religion" in surah 2:256.[83] Many Muslims live their faith as a personal discipline of prayer, fasting, family and charity, without any project of violence.
A serious Catholic criticism must therefore distinguish persons, periods, legal schools, political contexts and spiritual readings. The Islam lived by a pious and peaceful family is not identical with the political Islam of a medieval jurist nor with contemporary Islamism.
The combat texts exist too
It would be equally false to hide the difficult texts. Surah 9:29 orders fighting those who do not believe until they pay the jizya in a state of submission.[84] Several authentic hadiths order the killing of whoever changes religion.[85] These texts nourished concrete legal doctrines on the status of non-Muslims and apostates.
The contrast with Christianity does not mean that all historical Christians lived the Gospel perfectly; Christian history knows real, sometimes grave, violence. But the normative question remains: Jesus, in the Gospel, forbids constraining faith by the sword; classical Islam possesses normative texts linking religion, political order, war and the legal status of the vanquished.
Apostasy as a revealer
The question of apostasy is one of the clearest revealers. In Christianity, leaving the faith is a grave sin and a spiritual tragedy; but the Church possesses no Gospel mandate to kill the apostate. In many classical Islamic legal traditions, the public apostasy of an adult Muslim is punishable by death, relying notably on a very brief hadith:
« Quiconque change sa religion [islamique], tuez-le. » — Sahih al-Bukhari, hadith 3017, transmis par Ibn ʿAbbās[86]
This norm was taken up by the four great Sunni legal schools (Hanafite, Malikite, Shafiite, Hanbalite) and by the Ja'fari Shiite school. Contemporary states continue to apply the death penalty for apostasy: Saudi Arabia, Mauritania, Yemen, Afghanistan under the Taliban, some Nigerian states applying sharia. Sudan abolished the death penalty for apostasy in July 2020.[87] The 2013 Pew report estimated that, among Muslims favourable to sharia as official law, the death penalty for apostasy was approved by 76% in Pakistan, 86% in Egypt and 79% in Afghanistan.[88]
This point must be stated with prudence, for contemporary Muslim thinkers contest or recontextualise this doctrine: Mahmoud Taha (Sudan), Abdullahi An-Naʿim (United States), Ahmad Subhi Mansour (Egypt/United States) defended religious freedom against the penalty for apostasy. But, historically and legally, the majority position remains binding. It touches a deep anthropological difference: Christian faith calls for a free adherence to the truth revealed in Jesus Christ; it cannot be produced by penal threat.
In his message for the World Day of Peace of 1 January 1988, entitled La liberté religieuse, condition pour vivre ensemble la paix, Saint John Paul II made religious freedom a decisive criterion of justice and peace among nations.[89]
The Second Vatican Council, in Dignitatis Humanae (1965), clarified the Catholic position for all time: « La personne humaine a droit à la liberté religieuse », a right founded not on indifference but on the very dignity of the person created in God's image and called to free adherence.[90]
Islam, women and marriage: points of truth and points of rupture
Real historical improvements
Islam may have brought, in the 7th-century Arab context, certain legal protections: limitation of certain tribal practices, rights of inheritance in certain proportions, protection of orphans, regulation of marriage, condemnation of female infanticide. The Quran explicitly condemns the killing of children through fear of poverty.[91]
These elements must be recognised. Serious criticism does not consist in denying all good in Islam, but in comparing ultimate principles and their development.
The marriage of Aisha
The case of Aisha remains one of the hardest for a Christian gaze. Several authentic hadiths report that she was married to Muhammad at six and that the marriage was consummated at nine.[92] Some modern Muslims contest this chronology on the basis of other historical computations; others accept it but contextualise it. The fact remains: the two most authoritative collections of Sunnism, Bukhari and Muslim, transmit this datum.
For Christians, even replaced in an ancient context, this model cannot become a prophetic norm. Christian holiness is not measured only by what certain societies tolerated, but in the light of Christ, who places the child at the centre of the Kingdom and condemns with extreme gravity scandal given to little ones.
Captives and slavery
Classical Muslim sources also know the question of war captives and slavery. Certain hadiths explicitly discuss relations with captives and interrupted intercourse after combat.[93] Here again, easy anachronisms must be avoided: Antiquity and the Middle Ages knew slavery in many civilisations, Christian ones included. But the problem for Islam is that these practices are linked to the prophetic model and to religious jurisprudence.
Christianity took time to draw all the social consequences of its own doctrine, but its inner principle is clear: in Christ, there is no longer slave nor free man as dignity before God; master and slave have the same Lord; the new law works history from within until it makes the possession of man by man morally untenable.[94]
Mary, Jesus and the apocrypha in the Quran
Mary in Islam
Mary holds an exceptional place in the Quran: she is named, chosen, purified, given as a sign. Surah 19 even bears her name. This veneration explains certain points of affective closeness between Catholics and Muslims, especially in countries where Marian piety is visible.
But Quranic mariology remains severed from its Christian centre. Mary is honoured because she miraculously bears Jesus, not because she is the Mother of God in the sense of the Council of Ephesus (431), that is, the mother according to the flesh of the eternal incarnate Word. Without the divinity of Christ, the title of Theotokos loses its content.
Jesus, the clay bird and the apocryphal traditions
The Quran attributes to Jesus the episode of the bird fashioned from clay then animated by his breath.[95] This episode does not appear in the canonical Gospels. It is found in apocryphal childhood traditions, where the marvellous often takes a form foreign to the sobriety of the Gospels received by the Church.
This point weakens the accusation that the Quran corrects the authentic Gospels. Historically, the Quran seems to know late Jewish and Christian traditions circulating in late-antique Arabia and the Near East. It reorganises them within its own monotheistic preaching, but this does not suffice to establish that it restores the primitive Gospel.
Comparative table: Christianity and Islam on Jesus
| Question | Catholic faith | Quranic Islam |
|---|---|---|
| Is Jesus Messiah? | Yes, Christ and Lord | Yes, Messiah son of Mary |
| Is Jesus the eternal Son of God? | Yes, consubstantial with the Father | No, God does not beget |
| Is Jesus God made man? | Yes, incarnate Word | No, prophet and servant |
| Did Jesus die on the Cross? | Yes, under Pontius Pilate | No according to the dominant reading of 4:157 |
| Is Jesus risen? | Yes, bodily | No as a Christian redemptive event |
| Does Jesus save by his blood? | Yes, heart of the Redemption | No |
| Is Mary a virgin? | Yes, before, during and after childbirth | Yes, virginal birth of Jesus |
| Is the Trinity true? | Yes, one God in three Persons | No, rejected |
This table shows why the real convergences do not suffice. Islam says lofty things about Jesus, but refuses the affirmations that make Jesus the Saviour. For a Christian, the problem is therefore not that Islam speaks too much of Jesus; it is that it speaks of Jesus while removing precisely what saves.
The Catholic apologetic response: twelve centuries of dialogue
Christian argumentation against Muhammad's prophetic claim does not date from today. It goes back to the first contacts between conquering Islam and Eastern Christianity, in the 8th century, and has never ceased to be taken up by the most rigorous Catholic thinkers.
Saint John of Damascus (c. 675-749)
Saint John of Damascus, Doctor of the Church, a Christian official at the Umayyad court of Damascus before becoming a monk, is the first theologian to have treated Islam as an apologetic subject. In chapter 100/101 of his treatise On Heresies (De Haeresibus), he calls Islam the "heresy of the Ishmaelites" and advances several arguments still current:
« Il y a aussi celle qui prévaut jusqu'à nos jours, l'hérésie populaire des Ismaélites, qui est la précurseure de l'Antichrist. Elle vient d'Ismaël, fils d'Abraham et d'Agar… Un faux prophète apparu chez eux, nommé Mamed [Muhammad], étant tombé sur l'Ancien et le Nouveau Testament et ayant conversé, semble-t-il, avec un moine arien, fabriqua sa propre hérésie. » — Saint Jean Damascène, De Haeresibus, c. 100/101 (vers 745), édition critique par Bonifatius Kotter, dans Die Schriften des Johannes von Damaskos, vol. IV, De Gruyter, Berlin, 1981, p. 60[96]
John of Damascus pinpoints three decisive points: (1) the solitary character of the revelation (no external witness, unlike Moses at Sinai before the people, or the Apostles in the Upper Room); (2) the absence of messianic prophecies fulfilling the Old Testament; (3) borrowings from diverse Judeo-Christian sources (the Arian monk evokes the Syriac tradition about Bahira).
Saint Thomas Aquinas (1225-1274)
Saint Thomas Aquinas devotes to Islam chapter 6 of book I of the Summa contra Gentiles (c. 1259-1265), a treatise conceived precisely for dialogue with non-Christians. His argument became classical:
« Mahomet a séduit les peuples par les promesses de plaisirs charnels, auxquels la concupiscence pousse fortement. Sa loi a aussi donné des préceptes conformes à ces promesses, en lâchant la bride à la volupté. […] Ce qu'il enseignait de vrai, il le mêlait à beaucoup de fables et de doctrines absolument fausses. […] Aucun témoignage divin antérieur ne le prédisait, alors que Moïse et les autres prophètes annonçaient successivement la venue du Christ ; au contraire, il a perverti presque tous les enseignements de l'Ancien et du Nouveau Testament par une narration fabuleuse, comme on le voit en parcourant sa loi. » — Saint Thomas d'Aquin, Summa contra Gentiles, livre I, chapitre 6, n° 4, vers 1259-1265, traduction française par Cyrille Michon, GF Flammarion, Paris, 1999[97]
Saint Thomas's structural argument holds in four points: (a) absence of messianic prophecies prefiguring Muhammad; (b) absence of public miracles manifesting divine origin; (c) success by arms and not by inner light; (d) moral doctrines facilitating carnal nature rather than converting it.
Pope Benedict XVI at Regensburg (2006)
In September 2006, at the University of Regensburg, Benedict XVI gave an address that sparked worldwide controversy. In it he cited the Byzantine emperor Manuel II Palaiologos, in his dialogue with a Persian Muslim scholar around 1391:
« Montre moi ce que Mahomet a apporté de nouveau et tu ne trouveras que du mauvais et de l'inhumain comme ceci, qu'il a prescrit de répandre par l'épée la foi qu'il prêchait » — Manuel II Paléologue, Entretiens avec un mahométan, 7ᵉ controverse, cité par Benoît XVI, discours à l'université de Ratisbonne, 12 septembre 2006[98]
The Pope did not take up this sentence as his own without nuance — he used it to introduce the central philosophical thesis of his address: the intrinsic rationality of God, which excludes conversion by coercion. The address was violently attacked, but it relaunched a serious academic and theological debate on the relation between Muslim faith and reason (Marie-Thérèse Urvoy, Rémi Brague, Joseph Fadelle).
Father Samir Khalil Samir (1938-)
Egyptian Coptic Jesuit, professor at Saint Joseph University of Beirut and at the Pontifical Oriental Institute in Rome, Samir Khalil Samir renewed Catholic apologetics in the Arabic language. In L'islam: un défi pour l'Europe (conversations with Giorgio Paolucci and Camille Eid, 2002; Fr. ed. Cerf, 2004), he distinguishes:
« Il faut soigneusement distinguer trois choses : l'islam comme religion personnelle des musulmans, où chacun reçoit ce qu'il peut recevoir de Dieu ; l'islam comme système juridico-religieux total (sharīʿa) où religion, politique et droit forment un seul bloc ; et l'islam comme objet d'étude critique, où l'on examine ses textes, son histoire et sa cohérence. Confondre les trois rend tout dialogue impossible. » — Père Samir Khalil Samir, sj, L'islam : un défi pour l'Europe, traduction française, Éditions du Cerf, Paris, 2004, p. 23[99]
Conclusions of twelve centuries of apologetics
Whatever the era and sensibility, a convergent argumentative matrix recurs:
| Argument | Period | Classical form |
|---|---|---|
| Absence of long-term prophecies | John of Damascus, Thomas, Benedict XVI | No prophet of Israel announced Muhammad |
| Absence of independently attested public miracles | Damascene, Thomas, Pascal | The Quran itself acknowledges (17:90-93) |
| Moral model in tension with Christian holiness | Damascene, Manuel II, Thomas | Aisha marriage, raids, Banu Qurayza |
| Internal rationality and abrogation | Manuel II, Benedict XVI | How can God abrogate his own Word? |
| Dependence on earlier sources | Damascene, Nöldeke, Luxenberg | Christian apocrypha, Jewish midrash, Syriac legends |
| Conversion by coercion | Manuel II, Benedict XVI | Christ refuses the sword |
| Historical anachronisms | Greek Fathers, Thomas, moderns | Mary sister of Aaron, Pharaonic Haman |
Christian apologetics against Islam is therefore not a recent defensive reflex: it is a continuous tradition, nourished by rigorous examination of Muslim sources themselves — not by caricature.
Why Islam holds despite these contradictions with the Gospel
Family transmission and identity
Most Muslims do not become Muslims after a historical inquiry into manuscripts, hadiths, Nicene christology and New Testament textual criticism. They are born into a family, a language, a civilisation, a fabric of religious gestures. This holds for many Catholics too. Religious belonging is often first received, only afterwards reflected upon.
One must therefore avoid speaking as if every Muslim had personally weighed all the objections. Many know nothing of the difficult hadiths, the formation of the Quran, the historical reasons for Christian faith, or even the real Christian doctrine on the Trinity. Often, they reject a caricature: three gods, a God with a wife, a Jesus divinised late.
Religious fear and social pressure
In some contexts, leaving Islam entails family, social, economic, sometimes penal consequences. Even where no state applies a religious penalty, fear of betraying one's family or losing all belonging can suffice to prevent free inquiry.
Christians must hear this with compassion. The goal is not to humiliate Muslims, but to present Christ to them with clarity, patience and courage. A person leaving a totalising religious system must not be left in a spiritual void; they must discover the true face of Jesus, not only objections against Islam.
The strength of a simple religious discipline
Islam offers a visible structure: five prayers, fasting, almsgiving, pilgrimage, food rules, community belonging. In a fragmented Western society, this discipline can appear as a strength. Many Catholics could moreover be edified by the seriousness of certain Muslims in prayer or fasting.
But the sociological strength of a discipline does not prove the doctrinal truth of a revelation. The ultimate question remains: who is Jesus? If Jesus is only a prophet, Islam may be true. If Jesus is the Word made flesh, dead and risen for the salvation of the world, then Islam is mistaken about the centre of history.
The Catholic response: truth without contempt
Never confuse criticism with hatred
Criticising Islam as a religious system never authorises despising Muslims. Christians must refuse insult, ethnic generalisations, gratuitous humiliations, and any confusion between a person and a doctrinal system. A sincere Muslim may be more faithful to the light he possesses than a lukewarm Catholic to the fullness he received.
But charity is not silence. If Christ is truly God made man, then hiding the truth about Jesus from Muslims would be a false peace. Authentic dialogue does not consist in saying that all doctrines are equal; it consists in seeking the truth together, with enough respect not to lie.
Announce Jesus, not only refute Muhammad
The ultimate goal of a Catholic response to Islam is not to win a debate about Muhammad. It is to lead to Jesus Christ. Objections about the Quran, the hadiths, the Bible or prophetic morals have their place; they remove obstacles. But they do not replace the positive proclamation: God so loved the world that he sent his only Son; the Word became flesh; he bore our sins; he is risen; he calls every man to eternal life.
For this reason, the Catholic approach must be both firm and missionary: firm on the Trinity, the Incarnation, the Cross, the Resurrection; missionary in tone, because Muslims are not adversaries to cut down but brothers and sisters to love in truth.
To go further
- Did Jesus really exist? — ancient sources and historicity of Jesus, opposable to Muslims since non-Christian
- Was Jesus God? — biblical and patristic foundations of Christ's divinity
- The resurrection of Jesus — historical and theological heart of the Christian faith, independent of any ecclesial authority
- The dogma of the Trinity — one God in three Persons, against the Quranic rejection of the "third of three"
- The Bible — canon, manuscripts, inspiration and objections of falsification (taḥrīf)
- Responses to Protestantism — another dossier of divergence around the Bible and authority
- Noah's Ark: feasibility — Catholic evidence of biblical historicity, opposable to the Muslim reading of the Flood (surah 11)
Notes and References
Concile Vatican II, déclaration Nostra Aetate, § 3, 28 octobre 1965, texte officiel français sur vatican.va.
1 5 6Coran, sourate 4, verset 159 et sourate 43, verset 61, lus par une partie de l'exégèse musulmane comme annonçant le retour de Jésus à la fin des temps — lecture débattue, les deux versets ne nommant ce retour ni explicitement ni unanimement. Le dossier est surtout hadithique : Sahih al-Bukhari, hadith 3448 (la descente du fils de Marie comme juge équitable) et Sahih Muslim, hadith 155, textes sur Sunnah.com Bukhari 3448, Quran.com 4,159 et Quran.com 43,61.
2Coran, sourate 5, versets 72-73 ; sourate 4, versets 157-159 ; sourate 112, versets 1-4. Traductions consultables sur Quran.com, Quran.com 4,157 et Quran.com 112.
3Sur la méthode apologétique opposable à un musulman, voir Père Samir Khalil Samir, sj, L'islam : un défi pour l'Europe, entretiens avec Giorgio Paolucci et Camille Eid, Éditions du Cerf, Paris, 2004, ISBN 978-2-204-07533-3 ; Rémi Brague, Au moyen du Moyen Âge : philosophies médiévales en chrétienté, judaïsme et islam, La Transparence, Chatou, 2006 ; Olivier Hanne, L'Alcoran : comment l'Europe a découvert le Coran (1143-1543), Belin, Paris, 2019.
4Catéchisme de l'Église catholique, § 841, texte officiel français sur vatican.va.
7 8Catéchisme de l'Église catholique, § 846 : « Hors de l'Église, point de salut », formulation reprise positivement : tout salut vient du Christ-Tête par l'Église qui est son Corps. Texte sur vatican.va.
9Saint Jean-Paul II, Discours aux jeunes musulmans, stade Mohammed V de Casablanca, 19 août 1985, texte intégral sur vatican.va.
10 11Coran, sourate 3, verset 45 ; sourate 4, verset 171 ; sourate 5, verset 110. Voir Quran.com 3,45 et Quran.com 5,110.
12Sahih al-Bukhari, livre des Vertus du Coran (Kitāb Faḍāʾil al-Qurʾān), hadith 4987 (numérotation Darussalam) : récit de la recension uthmanienne, de Zayd ibn Thabit et de l'ordre de brûler les autres matériaux coraniques. Texte anglais-arabe sur Sunnah.com.
13 54Sur les effectifs de Badr (environ 313 musulmans contre quelque 900 à 1 000 Mecquois), voir Ibn Hishām, al-Sīra al-Nabawiyya, récit de la bataille de Badr (trad. Alfred Guillaume, The Life of Muhammad, Oxford UP, Oxford, 1955) ; W. Montgomery Watt, Muhammad at Medina, Oxford UP, Oxford, 1956, sur la bataille et ses effectifs.
14Coran, sourate 3, verset 49 ; sourate 5, verset 110. Ces passages mentionnent l'oiseau d'argile, les guérisons et la résurrection des morts « par permission de Dieu ».
15Coran, sourate 5, versets 17, 72-73 : 5:17 et 5:72 sur le refus de l'identification du Messie à Dieu, 5:73 sur le rejet de la formule « troisième de trois ».
16Coran, sourate 112, versets 1-4 (al-Ikhlas), texte sur Quran.com.
17Jean 1, 1-14 ; Jean 20, 28 ; Colossiens 1, 15-20 ; Hébreux 1, 1-4. Voir aussi le symbole de Nicée-Constantinople (325/381).
18Coran, sourate 4, verset 157, texte sur Quran.com.
19Sur les sources extra-chrétiennes attestant la crucifixion, voir John P. Meier, A Marginal Jew: Rethinking the Historical Jesus, vol. 1, Doubleday, New York, 1991 ; Bart D. Ehrman, Did Jesus Exist?, HarperOne, New York, 2012 ; Robert E. Van Voorst, Jesus Outside the New Testament: An Introduction to the Ancient Evidence, Eerdmans, Grand Rapids, 2000.
20 24Shlomo Pines, An Arabic Version of the Testimonium Flavianum and Its Implications, Israel Academy of Sciences and Humanities, Jérusalem, 1971 : recension arabe du passage de Josèphe transmise par Agapius, sans les interpolations christologiques explicites. Sur le consensus actuel (noyau authentique sur l'exécution sous Pilate, interpolations partielles), voir James D. G. Dunn, Jesus Remembered, Eerdmans, Grand Rapids, 2003.
21John P. Meier, A Marginal Jew: Rethinking the Historical Jesus, vol. 1: The Roots of the Problem and the Person, Doubleday, New York, 1991. Thèse : le baptême par Jean-Baptiste et la crucifixion sous Ponce Pilate sont les deux seuls faits à recueillir un assentiment presque universel des historiens. Sur les critères historiques, voir aussi vol. 1, ch. 6.
22 25Martin Hengel, Crucifixion in the Ancient World and the Folly of the Message of the Cross, traduction anglaise par John Bowden, Fortress Press, Philadelphia, 1977. Texte original allemand dans la Festschrift Conzelmann, Mohr Siebeck, Tübingen, 1975.
23Isaïe 53, 3-7, Bible de Jérusalem, édition 1998, Cerf-Desclée de Brouwer, Paris ; voir aussi Traduction œcuménique de la Bible (TOB), édition 2010, Cerf-Bibli'O.
26Sur la datation paléographique et radiocarbone du grand rouleau d'Isaïe (1QIsaᵃ), voir Emanuel Tov, Textual Criticism of the Hebrew Bible, 3ᵉ édition, Fortress Press, Minneapolis, 2012. Datation radiocarbone : Bonani et al., Radiocarbon Dating of the Dead Sea Scrolls, dans Atiqot 20, 1991, pp. 27-32 (fourchette centrée sur le IIᵉ siècle av. J.-C., env. 200-120 av. J.-C.).
27Deutéronome 13, 1-6 ; Deutéronome 18, 15-22.
28Galates 1, 6-9.
29Sur les prophéties messianiques antérieures à Jésus attestées dans les manuscrits de Qumrân, voir John J. Collins, The Scepter and the Star: Messianism in Light of the Dead Sea Scrolls, 2ᵉ éd., Eerdmans, Grand Rapids, 2010, ISBN 978-0-8028-3193-4 ; Étienne Nodet, Le fils de Dieu : procès de Jésus et évangiles, Cerf, Paris, 2002, ISBN 978-2-204-06857-1.
30Coran, sourate 17 (al-Isrāʾ), versets 90-93, traduction Hamidullah, Quran.com 17:90.
31Coran, sourate 17, verset 59, traduction Hamidullah, Quran.com 17:59.
32Les miracles attribués à Muhammad dans les hadiths (lune fendue, eau jaillissant des doigts, voyage nocturne) sont discutés notamment dans Sahih al-Bukhari 3637 (lune fendue) et Sahih Muslim 162 (Isrāʾ wa-Miʿrāj). Sur le débat intra-musulman entre rationalistes muʿtazilites et traditionalistes, voir Daniel Gimaret, Une lecture muʿtazilite du Coran, Peeters, Louvain, 1994.
33Luc 9, 54-56 ; Matthieu 26, 52 ; Jean 18, 36 ; Luc 23, 34.
34Sur Muhammad comme al-insān al-kāmil, voir Annemarie Schimmel, And Muhammad Is His Messenger: The Veneration of the Prophet in Islamic Piety, University of North Carolina Press, Chapel Hill, 1985, ISBN 978-0-8078-1639-4. Sur l'obligation d'imitation, voir Coran 33, 21 et le taqlīd dans les écoles juridiques.
35Sur la chronologie de la sîra et ses limites épistémologiques, voir Maxime Rodinson, Mahomet, Le Seuil, Paris, 1961 (rééd. 1994), pp. 11-39 ; Patricia Crone, Meccan Trade and the Rise of Islam, Princeton UP, 1987 ; Alfred Felix Landon Beeston (dir.), The Cambridge History of Arabic Literature: Arabic Literature to the End of the Umayyad Period, Cambridge UP, 1983.
36Muhammad ibn Ismāʿīl al-Bukhārī (810-870) aurait sélectionné, selon son propre récit, environ 7 397 hadiths jugés authentiques sur 600 000 examinés (chiffres traditionnels). Voir G.H.A. Juynboll, The Authenticity of the Tradition Literature: Discussions in Modern Egypt, Brill, Leiden, 1969, ISBN 978-90-04-04200-3.
37Ignaz Goldziher, Muhammedanische Studien, vol. 2, Halle, 1890 ; Patricia Crone, Slaves on Horses: The Evolution of the Islamic Polity, Cambridge UP, 1980, ISBN 978-0-521-22961-6 ; G.H.A. Juynboll, Encyclopedia of Canonical Hadith, Brill, Leiden, 2007, ISBN 978-90-04-15674-8.
38Sahih al-Bukhari, livre du Mariage (Kitāb an-Nikāḥ), hadith 5134 (numérotation Darussalam), traduction anglaise de Muhammad Muhsin Khan : « The Prophet wrote the (marriage contract) with ʿĀʾisha while she was six years old and consummated his marriage with her while she was nine years old », texte sur Sunnah.com Bukhari 5134.
39Pour la liste complète des hadiths transmettant le mariage avec Aïcha (Bukhari 3894, 3896, 5133, 5134, 5158, 6130, 7011 — dont le livre du Mariage pour 5133, 5134, 5158 ; Muslim 1422a-d, livre du Mariage ; Abū Dāwūd 4933 ; al-Nasāʾī 3257, livre du Mariage ; Ibn Mājah 1877, livre du Mariage — numéros selon l'édition Darussalam, reprise par Sunnah.com, où le livre de chaque référence est précisé), voir l'article ʿĀʾisha bint Abī Bakr dans l'Encyclopedia of Islam, 2ᵉ éd., vol. I, Brill, Leiden, 1986, pp. 307-308.
40Muhammad ibn ʿUmar al-Wāqidī (748-822), Kitāb al-Maghāzī, édition critique par Marsden Jones, Oxford UP, 1966, 3 vol. Sur le décompte des expéditions, voir Hamidullah, Muhammad, Le Prophète de l'Islam : sa vie, son œuvre, 2 vol., Vrin, Paris, 1979, vol. II, pp. 845-872.
41Sur l'évolution sémantique du terme jihad entre les sourates mecquoises et médinoises, voir David Cook, Understanding Jihad, University of California Press, Berkeley, 2005, ISBN 978-0-520-24448-2 ; Patricia Crone, God's Rule: Government and Islam, Columbia UP, 2004, ISBN 978-0-231-13290-7.
42Ibn Hishām, al-Sīra al-Nabawiyya, édition Mustafa al-Saqqa, Caire, 1955, vol. 3, p. 240 ; al-Ṭabarī, Tārīkh al-rusul wa-l-mulūk, édition De Goeje, Leiden, 1879-1901, vol. 2, p. 251 ; Sahih Muslim, hadith 1768. Sur la formule du jugement « d'au-dessus des sept cieux », voir la tradition de la sîra discutée par W. Montgomery Watt, Muhammad at Medina, Oxford UP, 1956 ; Marco Schöller, Sīra and Tafsīr: Muḥammad al-Kalbī on the Jews of Medina, dans The Biography of Muḥammad (Harald Motzki éd.), Brill, Leiden, 2000.
43 44Sahih al-Bukhari, livre des Expéditions militaires (Kitāb al-Maghāzī), hadith 4037 (numérotation Darussalam), texte sur Sunnah.com Bukhari 4037 ; Ibn Hishām, al-Sīra, éd. Mustafa al-Saqqa, Caire, 1955, vol. 3, pp. 51-58 ; Ibn Saʿd, al-Ṭabaqāt al-Kubrā, vol. II, pp. 31-32 (sur Asma bint Marwan et Abū ʿAfak) ; al-Wāqidī, Maghāzī, éd. Marsden Jones, Oxford, 1966, vol. I, p. 174.
45Coran, sourate 23 (al-Muʾminūn), versets 5-6 ; sourate 33 (al-Aḥzāb), verset 50 ; sourate 70 (al-Maʿārij), verset 30, texte sur Quran.com 23:5.
46Sahih Muslim, livre du Mariage, hadith 1438 (a, b, c, numérotation Darussalam) sur le coït avec les captives d'Awtas, Sunnah.com Muslim 1438a ; Sahih al-Bukhari, livre du Mariage (Kitāb an-Nikāḥ), hadith 5210 (numérotation Darussalam ; réf. interne livre 67, hadith 143, chapitre de l'ʿazl : « We got female captives in the war booty and we used to do coitus interruptus with them »), Sunnah.com Bukhari 5210. Discussion juridique : Joseph Schacht, An Introduction to Islamic Law, Clarendon Press, Oxford, 1964, pp. 127-130.
47Sur la condamnation pontificale historique de l'esclavage : Eugène IV, bulle Sicut dudum (13 janvier 1435) ; Paul III, bulle Sublimis Deus (2 juin 1537) ; Urbain VIII, bref Commissum Nobis (22 avril 1639) ; Léon XIII, encyclique In Plurimis (5 mai 1888). Voir Joel S. Panzer, The Popes and Slavery, Alba House, Staten Island, 1996, ISBN 978-0-8189-0764-7.
48Coran, sourate 33 (al-Aḥzāb), verset 37, traduction Hamidullah, Quran.com 33:37. Contexte historique chez al-Ṭabarī, Tafsīr, ad locum.
49Coran, sourate 33, verset 50, qui établit les privilèges matrimoniaux exclusifs du Prophète : « Ô Prophète ! Nous t'avons rendu licites tes épouses à qui tu as donné leur mahr, ce que tu as possédé légalement parmi les captives qu'Allah t'a données comme butin de guerre, et les filles de ton oncle paternel, les filles de tes tantes paternelles, les filles de ton oncle maternel, et les filles de tes tantes maternelles… ce privilège t'est réservé à l'exclusion des croyants. »
50Tariq Ramadan, In the Footsteps of the Prophet: Lessons from the Life of Muhammad, Oxford UP, New York, 2007 (édition britannique : The Messenger, Penguin, Londres, 2007), ISBN 978-0-19-530880-9 ; Mahmoud Mohamed Taha, The Second Message of Islam, traduction anglaise par Abdullahi Ahmed An-Naʿim, Syracuse UP, Syracuse, 1987, ISBN 978-0-8156-2410-3.
51Coran, sourate 2, verset 75 ; sourate 4, verset 46 ; sourate 5, versets 13-15.
52Coran, sourate 3, verset 49 ; sourate 5, verset 110. Le motif de l'oiseau d'argile est connu dans des traditions apocryphes de l'enfance de Jésus, notamment l'Évangile de l'enfance selon Thomas.
53 95University of Birmingham, annonce du 22 juillet 2015 sur le manuscrit coranique de Birmingham, daté par radiocarbone dans une fourchette 568-645 pour le parchemin : Birmingham Qur'an manuscript dated among the oldest in the world.
55Behnam Sadeghi, Mohsen Goudarzi, Ṣanʿāʾ 1 and the Origins of the Qurʾān, dans Der Islam 87, 1-2 (2012), pp. 1-129, DOI : 10.1515/islam-2011-0025. Catalogue de variantes en pp. 41-79.
56John Wansbrough, Quranic Studies: Sources and Methods of Scriptural Interpretation, Oxford UP, 1977, ISBN 978-0-19-713561-7 ; Patricia Crone, Michael Cook, Hagarism: The Making of the Islamic World, Cambridge UP, 1977, ISBN 978-0-521-21133-8 ; Christoph Luxenberg, Die syro-aramäische Lesart des Koran, Das Arabische Buch, Berlin, 2000, ISBN 978-3-86093-274-5 ; Angelika Neuwirth, Der Koran als Text der Spätantike, Verlag der Weltreligionen, Berlin, 2010, ISBN 978-3-458-71026-4.
57Coran, sourate 19 (Maryam), verset 28 : « Sœur d'Aaron » ; sourate 3, versets 35-36 ; sourate 66, verset 12. Discussion : Suleiman Mourad, On the Qurʾānic Stories about Mary and Jesus, dans Bulletin of the Royal Institute for Inter-Faith Studies 1, 1999, pp. 13-24. La réponse de Sahih Muslim 2135 (numérotation Darussalam) est consultable sur Sunnah.com Muslim 2135.
58Coran, sourate 28 (al-Qaṣaṣ), versets 6, 8, 38 ; sourate 29, verset 39 ; sourate 40, versets 24, 36. Pour le personnage biblique original, voir Esther 3-9 et la stèle de Persépolis. L'argument de Maurice Bucaille, Moïse et Pharaon, Le Seuil, Paris, 1995, ISBN 978-2-02-026005-6, est analysé critiquement par Marcel Sigrist et André Lemaire dans Revue Biblique 104 (1997), pp. 304-308.
59Coran, sourate 18 (al-Kahf), verset 86, traduction Hamidullah ; voir aussi Sunan Abī Dāwūd, hadith 4002 (numérotation Darussalam ; récit d'Abū Dharr : le soleil « se couche dans une source d'eau chaude », ʿayn ḥamiʾa). Discussion : Brannon M. Wheeler, Moses in the Qurʾan and Islamic Exegesis, Routledge, Londres, 2002, chap. 4.
60 61Coran, sourate 23, versets 12-14, Quran.com 23:12. Voir aussi sourate 22, verset 5 ; sourate 75, versets 37-39 ; sourate 76, verset 2.
62Maurice Bucaille, La Bible, le Coran et la science, Seghers, Paris, 1976. Critique embryologique : Basim Musallam, Sex and Society in Islam: Birth Control before the Nineteenth Century, Cambridge UP, 1983, ISBN 978-0-521-26217-0, chap. 3 sur la transmission galénique. Voir aussi Robert R. Reilly, The Closing of the Muslim Mind, ISI Books, Wilmington, 2010, ISBN 978-1-935191-81-2.
63Coran, sourate 21 (al-Anbiyāʾ), verset 32 ; voir aussi sourate 13, verset 2 ; sourate 31, verset 10.
64Coran, sourate 2 (al-Baqara), verset 106, Quran.com 2:106.
65Jalāl al-Dīn al-Suyūṭī, al-Itqān fī ʿulūm al-Qurʾān, traduction Olivier Carré, Vrin, Paris, 1995. Sur les listes d'abrogations selon les écoles : John Burton, The Sources of Islamic Law: Islamic Theories of Abrogation, Edinburgh UP, Édimbourg, 1990, ISBN 978-0-7486-0149-7.
66Olivier Hanne, Mahomet : Le lecteur divin, Belin, Paris, 2016.
67Évangile de l'enfance selon Thomas, chapitre 2 ; texte grec critique dans Tony Burke (éd.), De Infantia Iesu Evangelium Thomae Graece, Corpus Christianorum Series Apocryphorum 17, Brepols, Turnhout, 2010. Traduction française dans François Bovon, Pierre Geoltrain (éd.), Écrits apocryphes chrétiens, Bibliothèque de la Pléiade, Gallimard, Paris, vol. I, 1997, ISBN 978-2-07-011387-9, pp. 197-204.
68Theodor Nöldeke, Geschichte des Qorâns, Verlag der Dieterichschen Buchhandlung, Göttingen, 1860 ; édition révisée et augmentée par Friedrich Schwally, Gotthelf Bergsträsser, Otto Pretzl, 3 vol., Leipzig, 1909-1938 ; traduction anglaise : The History of the Qurʾān, traduction Wolfgang H. Behn, Brill, Leiden, 2013, ISBN 978-90-04-21234-3.
69Pour la généalogie de l'apologétique chrétienne contre l'islam, voir Pierre le Vénérable, Liber contra sectam sive haeresim Saracenorum, vers 1156, édition critique par James Kritzeck, Peter the Venerable and Islam, Princeton UP, 1964 ; Riccoldo de Monte Croce, Contra legem Saracenorum, édition critique par J.-M. Mérigoux, Memorie domenicane 17, 1986, pp. 1-144 ; Nicolas de Cues, Cribratio Alkorani (1461), édition critique dans Nicolai de Cusa Opera Omnia, vol. VIII, Felix Meiner, Hambourg, 1986 ; Ludovico Marracci, Refutatio Alcorani, Padoue, 1698 ; Leone Caetani (1869-1935), Annali dell'Islam, 10 vol., Hoepli, Milan, 1905-1926 ; synthèse contemporaine : Rémi Brague, La loi de Dieu : histoire philosophique d'une alliance, Gallimard, Paris, 2005, ISBN 978-2-07-076853-4.
70Blaise Pascal, Pensées, fragment Brunschvicg n° 593 : « Je crois volontiers les histoires dont les témoins se font égorger. » Édition de référence : Blaise Pascal, Pensées, édition Philippe Sellier, Classiques Garnier, Paris, 2010, ISBN 978-2-8124-0064-2. Sur la portée apologétique de ce critère, voir Pierre Magnard, Pascal ou l'art de la digression, Ellipses, Paris, 1997.
71Frants Buhl, Das Leben Muhammeds, traduction allemande Hans Heinrich Schaeder, Quelle & Meyer, Leipzig, 1930. Texte original danois : Muhammeds Liv, Copenhague, 1903.
72Heinrich Speyer, Die biblischen Erzählungen im Qoran, Schocken, Berlin, 1931 (réimpr. Olms, Hildesheim, 1961, ISBN 978-3-487-09124-2) ; Tor Andrae, Mohammed, sein Leben und sein Glaube, Vandenhoeck & Ruprecht, Göttingen, 1932 ; traduction française Mahomet, sa vie et sa doctrine, Adrien-Maisonneuve, Paris, 1945 ; Gabriel Said Reynolds, The Qurʾān and Its Biblical Subtext, Routledge, Londres, 2010, ISBN 978-0-415-77893-0 ; Sidney H. Griffith, The Bible in Arabic: The Scriptures of the People of the Book in the Language of Islam, Princeton UP, 2013, ISBN 978-0-691-15082-6.
73Sur les anachronismes coraniques, voir Richard Bell, The Origin of Islam in Its Christian Environment, Macmillan, Londres, 1926, rééd. Frank Cass, Londres, 1968 ; Stephen J. Shoemaker, The Death of a Prophet: The End of Muhammad's Life and the Beginnings of Islam, University of Pennsylvania Press, Philadelphia, 2012, ISBN 978-0-8122-4356-7 ; Patricia Crone, The Qurʾanic Pagans and Related Matters: Collected Studies in Three Volumes, vol. 1, Brill, Leiden, 2016, ISBN 978-90-04-31926-7 ; Guillaume Dye, Mohammad Ali Amir-Moezzi (dir.), Le Coran des Historiens, 3 vol., Cerf, Paris, 2019, ISBN 978-2-204-13551-1.
74Sur la critique de Bucaille et le concordisme islamique, voir Basim F. Musallam, Sex and Society in Islam: Birth Control before the Nineteenth Century, Cambridge UP, 1983, ISBN 978-0-521-26217-0, chap. 3 ; Robert R. Reilly, The Closing of the Muslim Mind: How Intellectual Suicide Created the Modern Islamist Crisis, ISI Books, Wilmington, 2010, ISBN 978-1-935191-81-2 ; Mark Durie, The Qur'an and Its Biblical Reflexes: Investigations into the Genesis of a Religion, Lexington Books, Lanham, 2018, ISBN 978-1-4985-6938-7.
75Olivier Hanne, Mahomet : Le lecteur divin, Belin, Paris, 2016. Voir aussi Olivier Hanne, L'Alcoran : comment l'Europe a découvert le Coran (1143-1543), Belin, Paris, 2019.
76Kenneth Cragg, Muhammad and the Christian: A Question of Response, Darton, Longman & Todd, Londres, 1984. Cragg (1913-2012), évêque anglican et islamologue, fut l'un des plus rigoureux interlocuteurs chrétiens de la pensée musulmane au XXᵉ siècle ; voir aussi son The Event of the Qurʾan, Allen & Unwin, Londres, 1971, et son Jesus and the Muslim: An Exploration, Allen & Unwin, Londres, 1985, où il développe la même ligne : estime pour le réformateur Muhammad, confession de l'unicité du Christ qui pardonne.
77Sur la critique des relectures musulmanes des prophéties bibliques (Dt 18:18, Jn 14:16, Cantique 5:16, Is 21:7), voir Étienne Couvert, De Mahomet à Bahaullah, le grand projet contre la foi, Éditions de Chiré, 1989 ; Samir Khalil Samir, Le Coran et le Christ, dans Études 397, 2002, pp. 765-776 ; Anne-Sophie Vivier-Muresan, Le débat sur le Paraclet entre chrétiens et musulmans, dans Proche-Orient Chrétien 60, 2010, pp. 53-79 ; pour la philologie comparée, Christian Robin (dir.), Le Judaïsme de l'Arabie antique, Brepols, Turnhout, 2015, ISBN 978-2-503-55272-1.
78Rémi Brague, Au moyen du Moyen Âge : philosophies médiévales en chrétienté, judaïsme et islam, La Transparence, Chatou, 2006. Voir aussi Rémi Brague, Sur la religion, Flammarion, Paris, 2018 ; et son discours de réception du prix Ratzinger, Rome, 24 novembre 2012.
79Matthieu 5, 17-48 ; Matthieu 19, 16-19 ; Marc 10, 17-19 ; Luc 18, 18-20.
80Coran, sourate 7, versets 142-150 (les tablettes : 7, 145 ; les Tables jetées : 7, 150) ; sourate 28, verset 44.
81Coran, sourate 6, versets 151-153.
82Coran, sourate 2, verset 256, texte sur Quran.com.
83Coran, sourate 9, verset 29, texte sur Quran.com.
84Sahih al-Bukhari, livre 56 du Jihad, hadith 3017 (numérotation Darussalam ; « Whoever changed his Islamic religion, then kill him » dans la traduction anglaise de Sunnah.com), Sunnah.com. Voir aussi Sahih al-Bukhari, hadith 6922 (numérotation Darussalam).
85 86Le gouvernement de transition soudanais a aboli le crime d'apostasie (article 126 du code pénal de 1991, passible de mort) par la loi d'amendements divers de juillet 2020. Voir Al Jazeera, « Criminal law: Sudan annuls apostasy death sentence », 12 juillet 2020 ; Humanists UK, « Sudan abolishes death penalty for apostasy », 14 juillet 2020 ; Library of Congress, Global Legal Monitor : « Sudan: New Law Amending Penal Code Takes Effect », 23 juillet 2020 (loc.gov).
87Pew Research Center, The World's Muslims: Religion, Politics and Society, rapport publié le 30 avril 2013, chapitre 1 (« Beliefs About Sharia ») : chiffres cités parmi les musulmans favorables à la charia comme loi officielle. Données par pays sur pewresearch.org.
88Saint Jean-Paul II, Message pour la célébration de la XXIᵉ Journée mondiale de la paix : la liberté religieuse, condition pour la paix, 8 décembre 1987 (pour le 1ᵉʳ janvier 1988), n° 1. Texte sur vatican.va.
89Concile Vatican II, déclaration Dignitatis Humanae, 7 décembre 1965, n° 2 ; texte officiel français sur vatican.va.
90Coran, sourate 6, verset 151 ; sourate 17, verset 31.
91Sahih al-Bukhari, hadiths 5133-5134 ; Sahih Muslim, hadith 1422a. Textes sur Sunnah.com Bukhari 5134 et Sunnah.com Muslim 1422a.
92Sahih Muslim, hadith 1438a ; Sunan Abi Dawud, hadith 2155, sur les captives d'Awtaas et la question du coït interrompu. Voir Sunnah.com Muslim 1438a et Sunnah.com Abu Dawud 2155.
93Galates 3, 28 ; Éphésiens 6, 5-9 ; Philémon. Sur le développement doctrinal catholique contre l'esclavage, voir Catéchisme de l'Église catholique, § 2414.
94Saint Jean Damascène, De Haeresibus, c. 100/101 (vers 745), édition critique par Bonifatius Kotter, dans Die Schriften des Johannes von Damaskos, vol. IV : Liber de haeresibus, Opera polemica, Patristische Texte und Studien 22, De Gruyter, Berlin, 1981, pp. 60-67. Traduction française : Raymond Le Coz, Jean Damascène : Écrits sur l'islam, Sources Chrétiennes 383, Cerf, Paris, 1992, ISBN 978-2-204-04632-6.
96Saint Thomas d'Aquin, Summa contra Gentiles, livre I, chapitre 6, n° 4, vers 1259-1265 ; traduction française par Cyrille Michon, Saint Thomas d'Aquin : Somme contre les gentils — Livre sur la vérité de la foi catholique contre les erreurs des infidèles, livre I, GF Flammarion, Paris, 1999, ISBN 978-2-08-070685-2.
97Benoît XVI, Foi, raison et université — souvenirs et réflexions, conférence à l'université de Ratisbonne, 12 septembre 2006, texte intégral sur vatican.va. La citation de Manuel II Paléologue provient de l'Entretien VII avec un mahométan, édité par Adel-Théodore Khoury dans Sources Chrétiennes 115, Cerf, Paris, 1966.
98Père Samir Khalil Samir, sj, L'islam : un défi pour l'Europe, entretiens avec Giorgio Paolucci et Camille Eid, traduction française, Éditions du Cerf, Paris, 2004, ISBN 978-2-204-07533-3, p. 23.
99